Bibliographic record
Abstract
Belgians did not emigrate in large numbers impelled by overpopulation, persecution, war or economic depression. Crises in the Flemish linen industry and industrial strife in the Walloon factories and collieries were push factors, nevertheless, those who chose to better their economic circumstances in a developing virgin region such as Western Canada, which was in a full economic expansion, often aspired to retire in their native environment. The Belgian government never sponsored emigration but it did regulate the conditions awaiting emigrants in Antwerp (the port of departure for thousands of Europeans) and on board steamships. It also inquired regularly through consular officers into conditions expatriates could expect and experienced. In the settlement of Western Canada, Belgians stood apart from most ethnic groups on several grounds. First, they came cautiously, usually well informed, and they avoided ethnic bloc settlement. They developed a social network emanating from St. Boniface to direct new arrivals to suitable locations and contact persons. They engaged not only in mixed and wheat farming, but some rapidly specialized in dairying, market gardening, sugar beet culture, as well as fruit growing in B.C. A number took up village occupations while others chose urban life revolving around skilled trades, commerce and construction, notably in St. Boniface. However, they did not develop an array of ethnic institutions so they fell into the category of groups lacking institutional completeness, and, rather, integrated into existing community associations. Finally, as a national group, rather than an ethnic group, they integrated into both dominant host societies—the Anglophone for most of the Flemish and the Francophone for the Walloons. Les Belges n’ont pas pris la route de l’émigration pour cause de surpeuplement, de persécution, de guerre, ou même de dépression économique. Les crises dans l’industrie du lin en Flandre et les luttes ouvrières dans les fabriques et mines de la Wallonie y ont, bien sûr, contribué. Néanmoins, ceux qui choisirent d’améliorer leur sort en émigrant dans une région vierge tel que l’Ouest canadien, qui se trouvait en plein essor économique, comptaient tout de même rentrer chez eux pour leur retraite. Le gouvernement belge n’a jamais parrainé l’émigration. Il a par contre réglementé les conditions d’accueil des émigrants à Anvers, point de départ pour des milliers d’Européens, et à bord des navires. Il s’est aussi renseigné chaque année auprès des agents consulaires sur les conditions d’implantation auxquelles les expatriés pouvaient s’attendre et qu’ils ont éprouvées. Dans le peuplement de l’Ouest canadien, les Belges se sont différenciés de la plupart des groupes ethniques à bien des égards. D’abord, ils arrivaient prudemment, d’habitude bien renseignés, et ils ne s’établirent point en blocs ethniques. Ils développèrent un réseau social à partir de Saint-Boniface afin de guider les nouveaux arrivants vers des sites et des personnes-ressources appropriés. Ils ne se lançèrent pas seulement dans la culture “mixte” et celle du blé, mais ils se spécialisèrent aussi dans l’industrie laitière, les fermes maraîchères et la culture de la bettrave sucrière, ainsi que dans les vergers en Colombie britannique. Beaucoup d’entre eux se sont établis dans des villages, tandis que d’autres ont choisi la vie urbaine tournée essentiellement vers les métiers spécialisés, le commerce et la construction, particulièrement à St-Boniface. Cependant, ils ne se dotèrent point d’institutions ethniques, mais ils joignirent les associations communautaires existantes. Enfin, en tant que groupe national plutôt qu’ethnique, ils se sont intégrés dans les deux sociétés hôtes dominantes, les Anglophones pour les Flamands et les Francophones pour les Wallons.
Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.
How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".