Bibliographic record
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to give an overview of the more widespread death omens in earlier community and to look for an answer to the question how - in the light of social changes - the changes in the mental world of people have influenced the attitude to death omens. Answering the question whether and why death omens have receded these days, the changing of death culture can be displayed. The source materials for the article were belief records from the Estonian Folklore Archives and the fieldwork material collected by the author. In the treatment of death omens I proceed from the thematic division based on predicting situations. Speaking of Estonian death omens, a general belief can be noticed that death comes when the time is due. This has also caused the function of Estonian death omens: people tried to anticipate what was awaiting the person and only when the person was dead, they tried to prevent the next death by avoiding contacts or reconciliation with the deceased. People tried to be prepared for death both for ethical and economic reasons. They thought that any death event is preceded by a premonition of any kind. By means of observation they tried to find signs, which would give evidence of the destiny of the sick person. An answer to that was looked for in life experiences and religion. There are a number of popular beliefs related to death omens. Primarily, the person attempted to find a solution in his daily life to the problem how long he was destined to live. Seasons of the year, weather, behaviour of domestic animals and fowl, extraordinary phenomena, etc. were associated with death omens. While some of the passive death omens are still topical today, active death omens have retreated. Omens have updated - supported by literature and the mass media. Nowadays death omens are not reflexive, they are believed to predict death to someone else, usually to relatives. Therefore, the development trend of death omens is directed away from oneself. In the current rationalistic world the sphere of beliefs is more hidden - believing is not considered appropriate.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.004 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.002 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.026 | 0.004 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".