Bibliographic record
Abstract
MITCHELL SHARP LIVED A LONG LIFE and by the time of his death this year enjoyed iconic status in the Canadian foreign policy community. By the same token he had longer than most public figures are allowed to try to shape his own reputation and he did so vigorously. That takes nothing away from the virtually unanimous commendation that his public career receives from those who worked alongside and under him. To invoke his example is to describe a standard of professionalism and selfless public service that is often viewed as the measure of what Canada should be seeking to accomplish abroad. This standard does not represent merely a worthy aspiration for fledgling bureaucrats. Two of the usually unspoken assumptions underlying the way Canadians--inside and outside government--think about foreign policy issues are that a well-honed capability of execution can be used to stretch limited resources and that Canada is well-positioned to develop such a capability. Part of Sharp's importance to Canadian foreign policy is that his example reinforced these assumptions.Born in Winnipeg in 1911, of Scottish descent, he was brought up in modest circumstances. His personal values of hard work, consistency and thoroughness could be ascribed to his spartan upbringing, which instilled in him the conviction that the undramatic way is most often the best. Throughout his career he had little regard for trappings and outward display.(1) Taught initially by his mother, he became an accomplished pianist: one of his proudest moments was when he played the Andante movement of Mozart's piano concerto number 21 with the Toronto Symphony Orchestra. In a touching set of remarks not long before his death he said that if he had headed the United Nations he would have ensured that all children learn the elements of music.Mitchell Sharp was part of the Winnipeg diaspora that has strongly influenced Canadian academic and public affairs. After a short period as an economist with James Richardson and Sons, his course was set when he moved to Ottawa and joined the Department of Finance in 1942. He quickly made his mark on a wide range of issues, starting with his specialty, the grain trade, and moving on to the terms of union with Newfoundland, the postwar decontrol of prices and rents, tax-rental agreements with the provinces and housing. C.D. Howe wanted him for the Department of Trade and Commerce, which he joined in early 1951. By the time the Liberal government fell in 1957 he was a deputy minister and had been steeped in the major economic issues confronting the country. His relations with the Conservatives were rocky, however, a situation accentuated by Prime Minister Diefenbaker's handling of the famous hidden report,(2) and he soon retreated to Toronto and a senior post with Brazilian Traction. Though he was to be closely identified with the business community and certainly enjoyed a wide range of contacts there, he did not warm to business life and prepared to make the jump into politics. His chairmanship of the Kingston conference, which brought about the renewal of the Liberal Party in 1960, established his credentials as a Liberal. Elected to parliament on his second try, he began a ministerial career that was to take him through 13 years and four portfolios: minister of trade and commerce, minister of finance, secretary of state for external affairs and, finally, president of the privy council and leader of the government in the House of Commons.MANDARIN IN POLITICSMost ministers arrive in public office with a shaky grasp of how to relate to their departments, how to get the best out of their officials, and how far their authority extends. Their misconceptions are often reinforced by the pressures they are under from interest group representatives, who exaggerate the influence of ministers as a way of spurring them into action. This was hardly one of Mitchell Sharp's vulnerabilities. He had many years of public service experience under his belt and he knew the ropes. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.006 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Research integrity | 0.002 | 0.003 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.374 | 0.191 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; the direct Gemma label and the distilled Codex classifier agree on what is shown here.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".