Nixon’s Foreign Policy in Chile: Economic Securities over Human Rights
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Historians have often misunderstood Nixon's interest in Latin American countries such as Chile during his time in the Oval Office, declaring the region to be of little importance to the former US President. 1 Even Nixon himself once remarked "Latin America doesn't matter […] people don't give one damn about Latin America […] the only thing that matters in the world is Japan, China, Russia and Europe." 2 Yet throughout the 1990s and 2000s, the release of new tapes and transcripts has exposed Nixon's involvement in Latin America, particularly in Chile.Documented conversations between Nixon, the Secretary of State, and other high-ranking officials indicate Nixon's willingness to manipulate Chilean politics in order to advance economic securities for the United States.Action was taken by Nixon to prevent the 1973 election of the Socialist Party of Chile under Salvador Allende, overthrow his government, and to support the subsequent Chilean military dictatorship under Augusto Pinochet.American intervention cost many Chilean lives, reduced human rights, and benefited only a select amount of the population, while in turn economically benefiting the United States.Nixon's attitude and policy towards Latin America should thereby not be remembered as uninterested or passive, but rather as active, aggressive, and destructive. First ImpressionsIn May 1958, Richard Nixon, then Vice President, embarked on a goodwill trip to Latin America.The Cold War was in full swing, and countries in Latin America were complaining that they needed economic assistance, instead of the arms which America was providing them in order to be able to extinguish communist forces.Many in Latin America believed that economic growth was more urgent than repelling communist influences.Nixon's trip was meant to clarify to these nations the advantages of receiving arms, as well as to discuss future plans for economic 1 Mark Atwood Lawrence, "History from Below: The United States and Latin America in the Nixon Years," In Nixon in the World: American Foreign Relations,
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.002 | 0.004 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.006 | 0.009 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.007 | 0.006 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.004 |
| Research integrity | 0.004 | 0.007 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.007 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".