From Pride to Influence: Towards a New Canadian Foreign Policy <i>By</i> MICHAEL HART
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Vancouver : University of British Columbia Press , 2008 . Pp. xii, 436 , bibliographical references, index. This book will educate, provoke, debate and stimulate thoughtful discussion on whither Canadian foreign policy in the 21st century. Its author, Michael Hart, is the Simon Riesman Professor of Trade Policy at Carleton University. In his prior public-service experience with the Government of Canada, he was ultimately the director of International Trade Studies in the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. Many will agree with his biting but very thoughtful critique of foreign policy in recent years, but even those who disagree with his central perspective will find much food for thought. For those less knowledgeable regarding the actual practice of foreign policy he provides a fascinating education. His book goes beyond criticism to analysis and prescription for the future. He begins by elaborating on the context in which Canadian foreign policy is practiced and distinguishing three basic approaches to its challenges. These are characterized as those of the “foreign policy pragmatist”; the “more romantically inclined … determined to make a difference in the world”; and the “quintessential Canadian” way of “muddling through” (pp. 14–15). Hart's choice of language makes it clear where his preference lies. And he goes on throughout the rest of the book to make a compelling case in favour of pursuing “an interest-based agenda in relations with the United States and the rest of the world” (p.14), with the United States clearly at the centre of Canadian foreign policy – the essence of a pragmatist approach. The author describes in considerable detail the two main competing views of Canada's place in the world, namely that “Canada's principal interest lies in ensuring a well functioning and mutually beneficial relationship with the United States versus the desire to focus on the rest of the world and differentiate Canada from the United States” (p. 17). He explains in clear terms without jargon the intellectual foundations of the two different views. This explanation, coupled with examples from Canadian experience, leads to the assertion that a sound Canadian foreign policy requires a “deft and mutually complementary blend of realism and liberal internationalism” (p. 55). The author's strength as a practitioner of foreign policy comes out clearly. His analysis carefully notes the historical, geopolitical, security and economic context within which Canadian foreign policy must function. With respect to the Canadian-U.S. relationship, Professor Hart examines how Canadians and Americans view one another and the U.S. context for making foreign policy. He also examines what he calls the “optional side” (p.18) of Canadian foreign policy, by which he means Canada's interests beyond North America and the extent to which a sound relationship with the U.S. can inform and enhance pursuit of these interests. Pearson and Mulroney are seen as the most successful prime ministerial practitioners of Canadian foreign policy. Both, in his view, pursued relations with the U.S. on the basis of long-term Canadian interests rather than short-term political objectives. In contrast, he is very critical of the conduct of foreign policy by the Chrétien and Martin governments. While generally more positive with regard to the current prime minister's foreign policy, he takes a wait-and-see approach, given its early days. Professor Hart's criticism of Canada's decision not to participate in the Iraq war occasions one of the weaker parts of his analysis. He suggests that it was a misguided defence of a faulty United Nations. While there can be very valid criticism of how Canada dealt with the United States in developing and communicating its Iraq decision, it is much more difficult to conclude that the decision itself was the wrong one. Hart himself makes it clear that making the United States central to Canadian foreign policy does not mean supporting every American foreign policy choice. He is on much stronger ground regarding the refusal to participate in ballistic missile defence, where Canada lost American respect because it was seen by the U.S. to be acting contrary to Canada's own interests for purely short-term political considerations. This book is very critical of the United Nations and indeed of most multilateral international institutions (with the exception for the most part of trade organizations). There is much about the United Nations that warrants criticism, but its existence is in Canada's interests. As Professor Hart notes, traditional Canadian support for multilateralism is “a pragmatic assessment of how best to achieve its goals” (pp. 27–8). Our interests, as a relatively small country, are better served by commonly agreed procedures and relatively predictable behaviour by other countries. Here the United Nations and its agencies play an evident role. However, Hart's analysis of the lack of democratic credibility in a great deal of international action that includes the U.N and its agencies offers a timely warning. Professor Hart has produced a well written, logically compelling, and eminently readable critique of Canadian foreign policy as practised since the end of the Cold War. He clearly makes the case that, despite certain successes from time to time, overall it has drifted with no clear purpose or coherent aims. Where he is less convincing is on whether the decline of Canadian influence in the world is really due to the way in which its foreign policy has been practised. His criticism of how governments have reacted is very convincing and based on all-too-real examples of their decisions and behaviour. It is less clear on cause and effect. It may have been inevitable that Canada's influence in the world would decline after the Cold War, given the rise of other powers and the various geopolitical factors Hart describes so well in his book. Government behaviour may not have caused the decline or even contributed to any great extent. Indeed, the decline in Canada's influence may have encouraged the temptation to short-term thinking. The more a country has, the more it has to lose with ill-conceived policies and actions, and vice-versa. Of course, as the author might rightfully say, nothing excuses any government from not acting in the best way possible to further Canada's interests, including whatever influence it has in the world. Such a reservation aside, what remains is that this book contributes significantly to deliberations on the future of Canadian foreign policy. It provokes debate by clearly articulating the proposition that the “key relationship to both Canadian security and prosperity is with the United States, and it is better pursued with a sense of purpose and enthusiasm than with an attitude of resignation” (p. 326). Michael Hart captures his reader's attention, beginning with the excellent preface, which is worth reading on its own. His first chapter concludes with a brief description of each of the remaining chapters. Short chapter-by-chapter summaries add to the reader-friendliness of the book, together with detailed footnotes and a thorough index that facilitate in-depth consideration of any topic without interrupting the flow of the text. This book eminently deserves a wide readership. Students will find a dose of realism regarding the practice of foreign policy to supplement the considerable theory they receive. Academics will find a skilful combination of foreign policy theory and the realities faced by practitioners, along with thorough documentation facilitating further study. Practitioners, whether politicians or public servants, will find an exceptionally well written account of the competing pressures on Canadian foreign policy. Finally, interested citizens will find an excellent way to become informed on what is at stake regarding foreign policy in their country. Whether or not readers agree with Michael Hart's perspective, the cogency of his arguments and the skill of his writing make compelling reading and clearly set out the case to be met by those opposing his recommended direction. His book will help move the foreign policy debate in this country beyond knee-jerk anti-Americanism or slavish support of whatever the U.S. does to a more reasoned consideration of what is in Canada's long-term interest.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".