Examining How Communication and Demographic Factors Relate to Attitudes Toward Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in Singapore
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Chitra Panchapakesan (MSc in Information Studies, Nanyang Technological University, 2013) is a PhD student in the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Her research focuses on media effects and public opinion and civic engagement. Li Li (MSc in Media Management, Hong Kong Baptist University, 2012) is a PhD student in the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Her research focuses on mobile communication, health communication, media effects, and public opinion. Shirley S. Ho (PhD, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2008) is an Assistant Professor in the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Her research focuses on media effects and public opinion, often in the contexts of science, environmental sustainability, and public health. The controversial issue of same-sex marriage has sparked debates on political, social, moral, and religious fronts in many countries (Duggan, 2008). As of March 2013, 11 countries, including Canada and Denmark, as well as several regions in Brazil and the United States, have legally accepted same-sex marriages (Stritof & Stritof, 2013). However, same-sex marriage is illegal in most Asian countries, such as Japan and China (Koh, 2012). Similarly, same-sex marriages are not allowed in Singapore, under Section 377A of the Singapore Penal Code, which criminalizes sexual relations between adult men (Outrages on decency, 1985). The debate on same-sex marriages has been ongoing within the island-state (Koh, 2012; Lai, 2013). In 2011, the annual “Pink Dot” event in Singapore attracted over 10,000 people to advocate sexual freedom (Tan, 2011). Supporters of gay rights have called for a repeal of Section 377A in 2007 when the bill to amend sections of the Penal Code was debated in the Singapore parliament (Li, 2007). However, the majority of the Singaporean public hold negative attitudes toward lesbian and gay men (Detenber et al., 2007) and were against legalization of same-sex marriages in Singapore (Ho, Chen, & Sim, 2013). Furthermore, positive portrayals of lesbian and gay men lifestyles are discouraged in traditional media, in part, due to conservative public opinion and values (Radcliffe, 2008). Although studies on public opinion of same-sex marriage were mostly conducted in Western countries (Levina, Waldo, & Fitzgerald, 2000; Mazur & Emmers-Sommer, 2002; Riggle, Ellis, & Crawford, 1996), a small number of studies are beginning to manifest in Asia (e.g., Basu, 2007; Detenber, Cenite, Zhou, & Malik, 2009; Ho, Detenber, Malik, & Neo, 2012). As media content can be viewed as image of societal values (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002), extant studies mostly centered on the representations of lesbians and gay men in the media, and the impact they may have on the audience. In Singapore, there is strict censorship of lesbian and gay content on traditional media (To, 2004) but not on the Internet (Censorship Review Committee, 2010). Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine how attention to news on different media platforms such as traditional media and the Internet may differentially associate with people’s attitudes toward legalization of same-sex marriage in Asian countries such as Singapore. Hence, this study is among the first to examine how demographic factors such as religiosity, age, and gender, as well as the level of news attention from different media platforms could potentially relate to Singaporeans’ attitudes toward the legalization of same-sex marriage. Singapore, with its open economy and diversity of religions and ethnicities, offers an additional perspective to Asians’ attitudes toward lesbians and gay men and open up new trajectories for future research. More importantly, the finding of this study could help policy makers to develop more holistic policies about media portrayal of lesbians and gay men in Singapore by taking public opinion into consideration. Individual attitudes toward lesbians and gay men are socialized rather than inherited (Calzo & Ward, 2009). Many agents, such as families, peers, and religions, contribute to this socialization process (Ballard & Morris, 1998). Among them, media is likely to be a prominent one because it has been frequently cited as a top source for sexual information (Brown, Halpern, & L’Engle, 2005). The mass media can cultivate and shape the perceptions and beliefs of individuals who are immersed in the media system (Gerbner, 1969; Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980). News media not only have the power to select certain topics for public attention but can also frame an issue in a specific way so as to tell the recipients how to think about it (Gitlin, 1980). Through exposure to different framed course in the media, people receive different aspects of social issues and form their attitudes diversely toward it (Brewer, 2002; Nelson, Clawson, & Oxley, 1997; Price, Nir, & Cappella., 2005). Numerous studies have shown that different news frames on mass media can generate significant variances in audience reaction toward it (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996; Davis, 1995; De Vreese & Semetko, 2002; De Vreese, Boomgaarden & Semetko, 2011). Exposure to traditional media has been found to closely relate to individuals’ attitude toward most societal issues (e.g., Bryant & Zillmann, 2002; Calzo & Ward, 2009; Levina et al., 2000). In particular, previous studies have shown that direct exposure to lesbian and gay content on television could impact viewers’ attitudes toward it (Riggle et al., 1996; Mazur & Emmers-Sommers, 2002). The Singapore media landscape has been judged for its stringent censorship rules in the traditional media since the 1970s (To, 2004). This is because the Singapore government believes that mass media can have adverse effects on a multiracial and multireligious society (Ang & Nadarajan, 1996). That is, the unimpeded flow of ideas rather than leading to enlightenment can occasionally have adverse effects. Among them, one of the undesirable effects cited is the support of a lesbian and gay lifestyle (Chang, 2009a; Chia, 2010; Chua, 2008). Although our literature review suggests that exposure to lesbian and gay content on traditional media can shape the attitude of individuals toward lesbian and gay issues and support for same-sex marriage in Western cultures, it remains to be seen how traditional media relates to the Singapore public’s attitudes toward gay rights, especially on the issue of legalization of same-sex marriage. Hence, we put forth the following research question: RQ1: How will attention to news on traditional media relate to individuals’ attitudes toward acceptance of same-sex marriages in Singapore? With the development of the Internet and related media outlets, media fragmentation and people’s media habits has changed over the past 10 years. The Internet has opened new forums of public communication and multiplied users viewing capabilities, and users can be more selective than before. Information users are increasingly exposed to diverse information with multiple perspectives on political issues when they seek information on the Internet (Xenos & Moy, 2007). In addition, research on selective exposure argues that individuals generally prefer to use media channels that match their beliefs and opinions (Stroud, 2008). Internet news sources have enabled individuals to search for the information similar to what they agree with, and their beliefs and attitudes are strengthened through retrieving information similar with their preexisting beliefs and attitudes (Garrett, 2009; Johnson, Kaye, Bichard, & Wong, 2007). However, unintentional exposure to other perspectives can also potentially readjust individuals’ attitudes, instead of reinforcing the preexisting beliefs and opinions (Li & Liu, 2011). After all, few individuals use sophisticated search engines (Fallows, 2005; Hargittai, 2004), and news customization facilities are difficult to comprehend (Garrett, 2009). Notably, respondents who read online news Web sites tend to support legalization of same-sex marriage, whereas respondents who were less supportive of same-sex marriage preferred watching television news, suggesting that there is a major gap in the amount and type of information people receive from traditional media and the Internet (Lee & Hicks, 2011). Media convergence, particularly in Singapore, is happening rapidly. However, unlike the strict censorship on traditional media, Singapore government adopts a “light touch” approach toward the Internet. According to OpenNet Initiative’s (ONI) country report for Singapore, none of the 21 lesbian and gay content-related Web sites tested in the report were found to be blocked by the government (ONI, 2005). The same gay content prohibited on the mainstream media can be accessed from the Internet (Censorship Review Committee, 2010). Based on the cultivation theory and framing theory, it is logical to infer that viewers’ attention to online news may be associated with their attitudes toward lesbian and gay issues, such as same-sex marriage. However, most existing media studies have focused on traditional media outlets, like the newspapers and television, while individuals are increasingly turning to the Internet to seek political information (Kaye & Johnson, 2002). Based on the above, we would like to observe the effect of the Internet on individuals’ attitude toward legalization of same-sex marriages in Singapore. We posit the following research question: RQ2: How will attention to news on the Internet relate to individuals’ attitude toward acceptance of same-sex marriages in Singapore? In addition to media exposure, sociodemographic characteristics, such as gender, ethnicity, and religious beliefs, could be associated with individuals’ attitude toward legalization of same-sex marriage (Calzo & Ward, 2009). Regarding the association between religiosity and individuals’ attitudes toward lesbians and gay men, previous studies suggest that highly religious individuals tended to be more prejudiced toward lesbians and gay men than less religious individuals (Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992; Batson, Eidelman, Higley, & Russell, 2001). In the context of Singapore, people with strong religious stand point have become more vocal in countering the liberalization of lesbians and gay men in recent years (Wehrfritz & Kolesnikov-Jessop, 2008). A recent study conducted by Ho et al. (2012) found that intrinsic religiosity—the extent to which people rely on religious principles as a foundation to guide the manner they lead their lives—was positively associated with Singaporeans’ support for censorship of films with depictions of lesbians and gay men. The findings suggest a positive association between people’s religious stance and their attitudes toward lesbians and gay men in Singapore. This study will reexamine this relationship in the case of the legalization of same-sex marriage. Furthermore, different religions treat the discourse of lesbians and gay men differently. For instance, Mandra (2003) found that Protestants were more discriminatory than Roman Catholics, when it comes to opinions on same-sex behavior (Mandra, 2003). Meanwhile, from a Buddhist perspective, lesbian and gay orientations are generally not viewed as harmful (Sands, 2007). Singapore is a country with diverse religious beliefs. As such, it is worthwhile to further investigate whether the major religious groups (e.g., Christian, Muslim, Hindus) in Singapore differ in terms of their attitudes toward the legalization of same-sex marriages in Singapore. We suggest the following hypothesis: H1a: Religiosity will be negatively associated with individuals’ attitudes toward acceptance of same-sex marriage in Singapore. H1b: Christians are more likely to have a negative attitude toward the acceptance of the legalization of same-sex marriage in Singapore than individuals of other religions. Studies that examined public attitudes toward lesbians and gay men in the West have revealed that youth and younger adults are more supportive of same-sex marriages compared with the older participants (Lax & Phillips, 2009). Specifically, in the United States, Siegel et al. (2012) found that younger Americans are more accepting of lesbians and gays and their marriage rights than older Americans. With regard to Singapore, Lim (2002) suggests that most young people in Singapore were still supportive of traditional sex roles. On the other hand, Detenber (2007) found that older Singaporeans had a more negative attitude toward lesbians and gay men than younger people. It is timely to reexamine current Singaporeans’ attitudes toward lesbians and gay men and legalization of same-sex marriage, as this public opinion study is conducted more than a decade apart from the study by Lim (2002). We propose the following hypothesis: H2: Age will be negatively associated with attitudes toward acceptance of same-sex marriage in Singapore. Kite and Whitley (1996) found that American men tend to be more negative than their female counterparts when it comes to attitudes toward lesbian and gay persons and their behavior. Siegel et al. (2012) alluded to this diaspora of views between males and females by explaining that women are less disapproving than men about gay and lesbian couples raising children, sympathizing that “people are born gay or lesbian” (p. 4) and explaining that the biggest supporters of same-sex marriage in the United States are women (Pew, 2010). However, Detenber et al.’s (2007) Singapore survey revealed that gender has no association with public attitudes unlike other demographic factors (Basu, 2007). With such contrasting western and eastern gender attitudes toward lesbians and gay men rights, it is opportune to test the effects of gender on attitudes toward the legalization of same-sex marriage in Singapore. As such, we propose the following research question: RQ3: How will gender relate to attitude toward the acceptance of the legalization of same-sex marriage in Singapore? The data source used for the study was collected through computer-assisted telephone interview of 979 Singapore residents, aged ≥18 years,1 yielding a nationally representative survey. The interviews were conducted between January 12 and 19, 2010 by trained undergraduate interviewers. The survey was conducted in the two most commonly used languages in Singapore, English (84.8%) and Mandarin (15.2%). Random-digit-dialing procedures were used to connect with households. To randomize individuals within households, the youngest male/oldest female technique2 was used. The response rate was 34.6% (calculated based on American Association For Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) formula Response Rate 3 (RR3)). The margin of error was ∼+/−3% at the 95% confidence level. Four 11-point items (0 = “No attention/Do not read newspapers” to 10 = “very close attention”) were asked to measure how much attention people paid to the following two information on two separate mediums (newspaper and television): (a) “Stories about politics and public affairs” and (b) “Stories about the legalization of same-sex marriage.” The composite index of attention to news on traditional media (M = 4.34, SD = 2.22, Cronbach’s α = .82) was created by averaging the four items. Two 11-point items (0 = “No attention/Do not use,” to 10 = “very close attention”) were used to measure the amount of attention respondents pay to the following online news stories: (a) “Stories about politics and public affairs” and (b) “Stories about the legalization of same-sex marriage.” The composite index of attention to news on the Internet (M = 2.85, SD = 2.74, r = .73, p < .000) was created by averaging the two items. Three variables were included. The first two were age (M = 39.5, SD = 14.60) and gender (1 = male, 2 = female; 51.5% female). Religion was divided into seven categories (1 = Christianity, 2 = Buddhism, 3 = Taoism, 4 = Islam, 5 = Hinduism, 6 = other religions, 7 = freethinker), according to the 2010 census of population. The religion distribution of our sample was 19.5% Christianity, 29.2% Buddhism, 4.0% Taoism, 13.4% Islam, 6.90% Hinduism, 4.30% other religions, and 22.7% freethinker. For analysis purpose, we recoded religion as a series of dummy variables, with Buddhist as the omitted reference category. In addition, asingle 10-point item (1 = “not at all” to 10 = “a lot”) was used to measurehow much guidance religion provides to people’s lives (M = 6.18, SD = 3.00). A 6-point scale, ranging from 1 for “strongly oppose” to 6 for “strongly favor,” was used to measure respondents’ opinion on the issue of legalization of same-sex marriage (M = 2.69, SD = 1.49). To test the hypotheses, we ran ordinary least square hierarchical regression models. The dependent variable was individuals’ stances toward the legalization of same-sex marriage in Singapore, and the independent variables were entered into the models based on their presumed causal order.3 We found that the public were generally against the legalization of same-sex marriage in Singapore. Overall, 70.6% of the respondents opposed and 29.4% favored the issue of legalization of same-sex marriage in Singapore. As shown in Table 1, increased attention to news on traditional media did not appear to relate to individuals’ attitude toward acceptance of legalization of same-sex marriage, answering RQ1. However, respondents who pay more attention to news on the Internet tended to accept the legalization of same-sex marriage, suggesting that attention to news on the Internet is positively associated with respondents’ attitudes toward same-sex marriage, answering RQ2. The findings suggest that Christians and individuals with other religious belief were significantly against the idea of same-sex marriage in Singapore, supporting H1a. Respondents who rely highly on religious guidance were against the legalization of same-sex marriage, supporting H1b. Younger respondents and females were also found to significantly lesbians and gay men rights to marriage in Singapore, supporting and answering The demographic of the and the communication for of the for attitude toward legalization of same-sex marriage. in Singapore = for models are regression for 1 and is as the religion for the < < < in Singapore = for models are regression for 1 and is as the religion for the < < < Overall, this study suggests that the Singapore public negative attitudes toward lesbians and gay men, especially with regard to their marriage that attention to news on the Internet was positively associated with individuals’ attitudes same-sex marriage. It that on the people are more exposed to diverse information with multiple perspectives of the issue on the legalization of same-sex marriage, especially when online media content are less by the government in Singapore. The between the individuals’ attitudes and news attention from traditional media appear to be a of the censorship of mainstream media by the This is by the finding that respondents who pay more attention to news on the Internet are more likely to accept the legalization of same-sex marriage. The media in Singapore has used a “light touch” approach when it comes to censorship on the Internet and social media (ONI, tested 21 Web sites content related to lesbians and gay men and found that none of were blocked by the government (ONI, As by social of conservative Singapore are also which could have to a of lesbians and gay men on the Internet. For in to a strong gay and lesbian but by the Web has more than that “light touch” approach to the Internet from as the government that to on the Internet would be because they that “a touch” like is With toward liberalization of its new media we may more individuals who are exposed to sources of media to be more accepting of lesbians and gay men and their with individuals with religiosity negative attitudes toward same-sex and their religious also individuals’ The findings also are with previous which that Christians tend to negative attitudes toward lesbians and gay men & 2010). This could be due to in the of the religions. For lesbian and gay relations as an behavior Johnson, & In with existing or tend to hold more attitudes than & The data revealed that older Singaporeans tend to hold negative attitude legalization of same-sex marriage, whereas females were found to be more toward lesbians and gay rights to marriage in Singapore. This suggests that younger who are more open to Western may be from traditional Asian values (To, 2004). As such, Singaporean females tend to be more accepting of lesbians and gay men. study examined only two of attention to media and the Internet. research could this study by the association of online social media (e.g., and with public attitude toward the Furthermore, as this is a we were not to the of the between news and attitudes because attitudes may news as This is a in our study and future research can use survey or research to the of the The of religiosity was also by the individuals’ religious and level of religious guidance in our research could examine the in attitudes between intrinsic religiosity by and In this study that attention to news on traditional media and the age, gender, and religiosity individuals’ toward lesbians and gay men in Singapore. This suggests that as number of the Singaporean public is exposed to different media content a of their attitudes toward legalization of same-sex marriage may become in this into when policies about media portrayal of lesbians and gay men in Singapore. This was by the number from the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information at Nanyang Technological University
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.005 | 0.002 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.002 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".