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Record W2118392840 · doi:10.1080/00472336.2012.668353

Imperialism and Democracy: Convergence and Divergence

2012· article· en· W2118392840 on OpenAlex

Why this work is in the frame

A frame that forgets how it found something cannot be audited. These are the routes that admitted this work.

aboutThe title or abstract carries a Canadian signal from the geographic lexicon.
no affNo Canadian affiliation: this work is invisible to an affiliation-only frame.
No Canadian affiliation. An affiliation-only frame, the usual design, would never have seen this work. It is one of the works that make the case for inverting the frame.

Bibliographic record

VenueJournal of Contemporary Asia · 2012
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicPolitical Economy and Marxism
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsDemocracyIdeologyContext (archaeology)ColonialismCivilizationLawSociologyHistoryPolitical sciencePoliticsArchaeology

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes The theoretical or historical reconstructions of the idea of democracy by Western scholars trace its "formal origins" back to Athens in the so-called cradle of civilisation. However, Isakhan and Stockwell (Citation2011), among others (Frank, Citation1998; Gresh, Citation2011), have established democratic practices in various societies in the Orient that preceded Athens and Rome. Needless to say, the connection between imperialism and democracy in this "secret history" has yet to be made by historians. The libertarian Scott Trask (Citation2004: 1) cites Sumner as a "first-rate diagnostician of the vices and flaws endemic to modern democracy," allowing him to see "with remarkable prevision how it would develop into the twentieth century." However, to put this judgement in perspective we might note that according to Sumner democracy has been "realized" in only three kinds of social organisations, namely "amongst slave-owners, enjoying leisure and recognizing amongst themselves the equality of all freemen" (such as in ancient Sparta, classical Athens, and the former slave states of the United States); "primitive agricultural townships" (such as in colonial New England); and "Caesarean empires" (such as imperial Rome and Napoleonic France). In the nineteenth century, the imperial project of the American democratic republic did not need this ideological cover. It was enough to appeal to the "manifest destiny" of the "nation." In the post-World War II context, however, the US government branded itself as the defender of the idea and forces of "freedom and democracy" against its enemies – "the 'forces of evil,'" in George W. Bush's political discourse). Initially this meant "international communism" and, after 9/11, "international terrorism." Inthis post-war context of the American empire (Pax Americana) the USA presented itself consistently as the leader of the global struggle for freedom and democracy – an ideological stance promoted by the theorists of international development (proponents of modernisation theory, such as W. W. Rostow, amajor national security and foreign policy advisor to several US administrations) – even in its foreign policy of sponsoring military coups against democratically elected regimes. Democracy in its liberal or bourgeois form is usually understood in terms of principles such as electoral participation and legislative representation, but it would be well into the twentieth century before the working class managed to achieve a minimal measure of direct representation in this form of democracy; normally, and certainly in the USA and Canada, both having a "first across the post" electoral system, alarge part of the electorate has no political representation.

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.001
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: none
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: Empirical
Teacher disagreement score0.787
Threshold uncertainty score0.241

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.000
Science and technology studies0.0000.000
Scholarly communication0.0000.001
Open science0.0000.000
Research integrity0.0000.000
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0000.000

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.033
GPT teacher head0.300
Teacher spread0.267 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it