Propriétés Et Territoires Autochtones En Nouvelle-France: I – Contrôle Territorial Et Reconnaissance De Territoires Nationaux suivi de II – La Gestion Des Districts De Chasse (Indigenous Property and Territories in New France: I – Territorial Control and Recognition of National Territories followed by II – Management of Hunting Districts)
Bibliographic record
Abstract
French Abstract: Dans le nord-est de l’Amerique du Nord, l’origine precolombienne des territoires familiaux autochtones a suscite une controverse chez les anthropologues, tout comme la possibilite que les Algonquiens aient elabore par eux-memes des mesures de conservation des ressources fauniques. Pourtant, au debut du XVIIe siecle, les Francais n’ont aucune difficulte a reconnaitre l’existence de territoires dont l’acces est controle par des nations autochtones et qui constituent la propriete collective de l’une d’entre elles; par consequent, ses chefs en supervisent l’usage par ses membres. Avec le temps, les representants du roi s’emploient a convaincre les peuples freres de s’accorder un droit mutuel de chasser sur leurs terres. Comme en Acadie, il existe en Nouvelle-France des de chasse bien delimites exploites sous la direction d’un chef de bande familiale. Les membres d’une autre bande ou les etrangers doivent obtenir la permission d’y chasser, quoique les incursions occasionnelles soient acceptees. A compter de 1660, des mesures de conservation sont observees dans la region des Grands Lacs et meme dans celle du lac Champlain, mais au XVIIIe siecle, elles ne semblent pas connues sur la Cote-Nord; cependant il parait peu probable que les autochtones n’aient pas eu les connaissances suffisantes pour en elaborer eux-memes. Dans l’ensemble, leur conception du territoire semble d’origine autochtone plutot que francaise. Elle repose sur l’existence de limites nationales et de districts bien definis, meme si les observateurs francais ne cherchent pas a decrire ceux-ci precisement. English Abstract:In northeastern America, the pre-Columbian origins of aboriginal family territories has created controversy in the past among anthropologists, just as the possibility that Algonquian peoples devised wildlife conservation measures by themselves. At the beginning of the 17th century, however, the French had no difficulty recognizing the territories of Indigenous Nations who controlled access to the area and exercised a form of collective ownership over it. Their chiefs also supervised the use of these lands. With time, the King’s representatives tried to convince the aboriginal inhabitants, who they called brothers, to grant each other the mutual right to hunt on each other’s lands. As was the case in Acadia, there existed in New France well-defined hunting that were exploited under the guidance of the head of a family band. Members from another band or outsiders had to obtain permission to hunt there, although occasional incursions without permission were tolerated. From 1660 on, conservation measures can be seen in the Great Lakes and Lake Champlain regions. In the 18th century, these conservation practices are not documented for the North Shore of the St. Lawrence River, but it seems unlikely that Indigenous people did not have wherewithal to devise such measures on their own. Overall, this conception of territory and ownership seems to have an Indigenous rather than a French origin. It is based on the existence of national boundaries and well-defined districts, even though French observers did not attempt to describe these with precision.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.002 | 0.002 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.002 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.007 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".