Bibliographic record
Abstract
L'acces a l'eau est un probleme majeur en Mozambique. Quoique que ce pays soit traverse par plusieurs rivieres, l'eau est difficilement abordable. Plusieurs communautes nontpas acces a l'eau potable meme si la riviere est a proximite. C'est un eternel dilemme. Si quelques communautes eloignees des cours d'eau doivent parcourir des kilometres pour chercher l'eau, ily en d'autres qui habitentpres des rivieres et qui sont confrontees aux crues durant la saison des pluies ou encore craignent les crocodiles. La situation est encore plus precaire pour les femmes les plus vulnerables, celles qui habitent les regions rurales. Lepartage du travail est uneforme d'inegalite, parce que sexuelle. Les femmes doivent accomplir les travaux les plus penibles et multiples comme cultiver la terre, chercher l'eau et s'occuper dies enfants. ********** It is morning in the remote village of Manhetche and the sun announces his brilliance. This is how it is in Manhetche during the summer. The sun castigates all that is before him. Almost no one can withstand the heat, and it is only six in the morning. are murmurs everywhere as each family in the village begins to rise. A few moments later, many people begin their habitual activities. Women and men, girls and boys are scurrying about. They are all concerned with their daily business, all except Aunt Mavo. Since the sun came up, Aunt Mavo has been leaning against a leafy cashew tree is in the middle of her backyard. Aunt Mavo is tired. She cannot take on any tasks that require excessive of physical effort. Yesterday she was at the river all day long, washing clothes. Aunt Mavo, and many other women in that village, as well as in other rural areas of Mozambique, walks for miles every day searching for water. Water! This is a precious liquid that is lacking in Manhetche, even though the Buzi River is nearby. Aunt Mavo knows she is the one who has to go to the river to fetch water, so she will have to walk for six miles carrying a bucket on her head. When she thinks about that distance she starts to feel faint, she sweats, and she cries. She suffers inside. She thinks and rethinks: am tired. Yesterday, the bucket was too heavy. I will not be able to go to the river today. But Aunt Mavo prefers to talk to herself, to complain only to herself. Aunt Mavo knows that if she discuss this openly with her husband, she will be frowned upon by the rest of the community. There are certain activities that only women can do. This is the dominant thinking in the community. She thinks and rethinks: Is it necessary to defy my husband and ask him to go to the river? She knows this can have serious consequences. But she decides to go ahead with the bold decision to confront her husband. On the other side of the village, there is another huge cashew tree. The cashew tree creates a large shadow, and therefore has been chosen as the place for long banter and drinking sessions among the villagers. This socializing and interaction among men of the community is customary. One of the members of that group is Manuel Guitumbo, husband of Aunt Mavo. Manuel Guitumbo is an uncompromising and very conservative man. He was educated in the tradition of his tribe that defends the supremacy of men in the marriage. He thinks it is sufficient that he is responsible only for the agriculture tasks, and it is normal that his wife must fetch water from the river, take care of children, prepare meals, and also help him with the agriculture tasks. Under the shadow of cashew tree, Guitumbo is excited, and he laughs, laughs. He is drinking Khabanga (a beer produced on the basis of maize)and he takes several gulps. The conversation seems to gain a pace that, in the opinion of the members of the get-together, could not be better. But when in the middle of the conversation, Rafel Chimuli, a youth who attends school and has participated in several seminars on gender equality, decides to talk about women's rights in the community, he is met with a stony silence. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.043 | 0.011 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.005 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.006 |
| Research integrity | 0.005 | 0.010 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.006 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".