Bibliographic record
Abstract
The Occupy movement's 'we-are-the-99%' protests that erupted in some thousand cities around the world in 2011 have morphed into a growing anti-austerity politics.From Athens to Seattle, Montreal to Madrid, London to Lagos, protesters in their thousands have been marching in the streets against increasing polarization of wealth, income and power.A principal focus of this anti-austerity politics is the need to end poverty wages.In Los Angeles, New York and over 200 other US cities, fast food workers and other low-wage workers have been demonstrating in front of Macdonald's restaurants and other low wage firms.Together with home care workers, retail employees and other low paid workers in the "Fight for $15" movement, they are demanding a minimum of $15 an hour as a "Living Wage."Recently the University of California agreed to a $15 an hour wage floor.New York State announced a $15 Minimum Wage for some 200,000 fast food workers and all state workers.Seattle, San Francisco and Los Angeles have also adopted a $15 Minimum Wage and Chicago and Kansas City have adopted a $13 wage (Greenhouse, 2015, 2).Similar policies are being debated in other cities, expanding a movement in which over 150 US cities and counties have adopted Living Wage policies over the past twenty years.In Britain almost 1600 organizations have been officially recognized as Living Wage employers (Cooper, 2015), and in 2012 the London Olympics became the first Living Wage Olympics.Supported by advocacy, educational, research and anti-poverty organizations, such as Vibrant Communities Canada, ACORN (Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now) Canada, and the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, Living Wage coalitions are also spreading across Canada 2 .In many ways, British Columbia is leading the way.VanCity Credit Union became the largest employer in Canada to
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.003 | 0.006 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.002 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.014 | 0.007 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.006 | 0.005 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.007 |
| Research integrity | 0.003 | 0.003 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.035 | 0.002 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".