Crime and Victimization among American Indians: One Community's Perception of Crime, Violence, and Social Services
Bibliographic record
Abstract
American Indians living reservations find that justice is elusive for them. The size and density of reservation, environmental surroundings, complexities of indigenous culture, and struggle of law enforcement and social services to address social problems presents a daunting challenge for American Indians. While problems are well known, bureaucracies often hinder funding and implementation of effective policies. As a result of these conditions, American Indians, as with other minority groups, have been subjected to injustices in social service and criminal justice systems. This research study examines social problems, particularly those surrounding crime and victimization, within one tribal community by listening to voices of a small group of those within tribe.CrimeandVictimizationin American IndianCommunitiesDespite an overall national decrease in violent crime beginning in 1990s, violent crime rates among American Indians remain high, especially as compared to other racial and ethnic groups (CraneMurdoch, 2013; Feagin & Feagin, 2008; Toth, Crews, & Burton, 2007; Williams, 2012). According to Bureau of Justice Statistics, the annual average violent crime rate among [American Indians] was twice as high as that of blacks (50 per 1,000 persons), 2Vi times higher than that for whites (41 per 1,000 persons), and 4V2 times higher than for Asians (22 per 1,000 persons) (Perry, 2004, p. 5). Additionally, American Indians are more likely to be victims of a violent crime than any other ethnic group in United States. In fact, official statistics suggest that on average, American Indians experienced an estimated 1 violent crime for every 10 residents age 12 or older (Perry, 2004, p. iv). The characteristics of these crimes also appear to be extraordinary. For example, contrary to general population, American Indians are more likely to be victims of inter-racial violence. In fact, almost 70% of violent crimes suffered by American Indians are committed by a non-Native offender (Perry, 2004). In a report published by Amnesty International (2007), a social worker in Oklahoma reported that 58% of cases she had worked in preceding 18 months involved non-Native perpetrators (p. 5). At community level, rate of violent crimes is staggering. The Montana Indian reservations, for example, had a homicide rate that was twice as high as New Orleans, a city long considered to be among most violent cities in nation (DiGregory & Manuel, 1997). Similarly, one in five Southern Ute Indian Reservation residents reported to be victims of a violent crime (Perry, 2004). Additionally, nearly 25% of Zuni Pueblo Indian Reservation tribal members reported that they were victims of assault in their tribal community (Perry, 2004).Both American Indian men and women experience a higher rate of violent victimization than do all other races/ethnicities in United States. Although American Indian women are less likely to be victimized than their male counterparts, their violent victimization rate is more than double rate for all women in general population (Amnesty International, 2007; Perry, 2004). For instance, statistics show that American Indian women experience violence at rates almost 50% higher than that of African American men (Perry, 2004). Several studies have found that Indian women are victimized at higher rates regarding intimate partner violence and sexual assaults than non-Native Americans (Bachman, Zaykowski, Lanier, Poteyeva, & Kallmyer, 2010; Malcoe, Duran, & Montgomery, 2004; Oetzel & Duran, 2004; Robin, Chester, & Rasmussen, 1998; Sapra, Jubinski, Tanaka, & Gershon, 2014; Smith, 2005; Wahab, & Olson, 2004). One out of three American Indian women will be raped in their lifetime (Greenfeld & Smith, 1991; Perry, 2004), as compared to one out of five women in non-Indian United States population (Flarwell, Moore, & Spence 2003; Wahab & Olson 2004). …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".