Child-Rearing Practices of the Carrier First Nation in Northern British Columbia, Canada
Bibliographic record
Abstract
The transition from infancy to childhood, into adulthood is mainly shaped by the child-rearing styles of one's caretakers. Child-rearing refers to the subset of practices and philosophies held by caregivers regarding how to raise a child (Rosalyn, 1991). Caregivers are not always biological parents; they can be aunts, uncles, grandparents, family friends or nannies (Hirshorn, 1998; Mooradian, Cross, & Stutzky, 2006; Rosalyn, 1991; van de Sande & Menzies, 2003). As a person's aspi- rations, beliefs, and values are chiefly formed in early childhood, childrearing practices can have lifelong effects (negative or positive) on the child (Aquilino & Supple, 2001; Belsky et al., 2007).Research has indicated that First Nations youth, in comparison with youth of other cultural groups in Canada, have a higher dropout rate of grade school as well as university (Brady, 1996; Kirkness & Barnhardt, 1991) they also have higher suicide (MacMillan, MacMillan, Offord, & Dingle, 1996) and unemployment rates (Mendelson, 2004). To help them effectively, we need to understand them better. Since childhood experiences can have a long-lasting impact on one's behavior as an adult, we have gathered qualitative data on child-rearing practices of four parents and a grandparent of the Carrier First Nation in a northern community in the hope of shedding light on the root causes of the above-mentioned difficulties First Nations youth experience.A search of literature on child-rearing practices of the Carrier First Nation revealed no hit. Thus, our study may serve to fill a gap.Although little research has been done on this topic among the Carrier First Nation, there is some research on child-rearing philosophies, practices, and challenges of other First Nations, which will be reviewed in the following sections.Traditional child-rearing practicesTraditional First Nations parents believed in teaching by setting examples and through experiential learning. Boys were traditionally taught to hunt and fish, while girls were taught to make clothes and baskets, prepare hides, cook, and care for the younger children (van de Sande & Menzies, 2003; van de Sande, 1995; Trigger, 1986). One of the most important lessons instilled by traditional First Nations caregivers was to live respectfully with nature sustaining the environment and to behave in ways that maintained peace and harmony with others (Brown, 1980; Lertzman, 2002). Child-rearing was not solely the duty of the mother and father, but was a shared responsibility with the entire community. Grandparents would often move into the home to help care for grandchildren or even raise their grandchildren themselves (Mooradian, Cross, Stutzky, 2006; Rosalyn, 1991; van de Sande & Menzies, 2003). A big part of traditional child-rearing was teaching culture, history, and lessons through story telling, and using stories as lessons instead of hitting or scolding. This process is commonly performed and advocated by elders (Rosalyn, 1991). According to Lertzman (2002), rites of passage were also a major part of traditional child-rearing practices and were used to mark and celebrate developmental milestones in children's lives.Rites of passageRites of passage mark important points of transition in one's life (often from one status to another), such as becoming an adult or an elder, and these points of transition are ritualized, celebrated, and witnessed (Groff, 1996). Ceremonies are a common way to celebrate rites of passage, especially among First Nations families. Singing, feasting, dancing, and plant medicine ceremonies are frequent occurrences in these celebration processes. Rites of passage are highly cultural and vary based on cultural beliefs, norms and traditions. Common rites of passage in traditional First Nations culture include naming ceremonies, the Sun Dance, the Vision Quest, and celebrating the very first kill a boy makes after learning how to hunt (Brown, 1980; Lertzman, 2002; van de Sande & Menzies, 2003). …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".