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Record W2900441010 · doi:10.1353/llt.2018.0050

Masterless Men: Poor Whites and Slavery in the Antebellum South by Keri Leigh Merritt

2018· article· en· W2900441010 on OpenAlexvenueno aff
Joshua D. Rothman

Bibliographic record

VenueLabour / Le Travail · 2018
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicRace, History, and American Society
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsWhite (mutation)BlameElitePower (physics)HistoryEconomic historySociologyPoliticsLawPolitical sciencePsychology

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

Reviewed by: Masterless Men: Poor Whites and Slavery in the Antebellum South by Keri Leigh Merritt Joshua D. Rothman Keri Leigh Merritt, Masterless Men: Poor Whites and Slavery in the Antebellum South ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2017) In 1857, a white North Carolinian named Hinton Rowan Helper published The Impending Crisis of the South, a blistering assessment of the damages he saw wrought upon the South by the institution of slavery. To Helper, slavery retarded the economic and cultural development of the region relative to the free states, and he laid the blame for those limitations squarely at the feet of oligarchic elite slaveholders who falsely asserted that slavery served the interests of all white people. In fact, Helper concluded, slavery actively oppressed nonslaveholding whites by devaluing their labour and keeping them impoverished, ignorant, degraded, and without future prospects. Indeed, Helper insisted that poor white southerners effectively lived in a "second degree of slavery." (1) Examining the circumstances of the nearly one third of white southerners in the antebellum era who owned neither land nor slaves, Keri Leigh Merritt maintains that in important ways, Helper was right. Slavery enriched slaveholders and it exploited poor white people, reducing demand for their work such that it was nearly worthless and pushing them to [End Page 266] the economic margins with almost no hope for upward mobility or accumulating capital. Slaveholders in positions of power piled on. They used both legal authority and extralegal power to monitor, constrain, and control poor whites lest they create disorder, fight back politically, or even forge alliances across racial lines that could threaten slavery itself. Poor whites, in Merritt's account, lacked the privileges of whiteness that slaveholders often insisted slavery delivered to all white people whether or not they owned slaves. Moreover, poor whites knew it and they resented it, creating fissures in the supposed proslavery consensus among southern white people before and during the Civil War. Merritt's depiction of the social positions and material lives of poor white southerners is utterly unsparing in its bleakness. She describes a southern world of severe economic stratification that only became more so over time. As slaveholders consolidated control over land and labour in the late antebellum period, they left poor whites mostly with the options of tenant farming, sharecrop-268ping, or competing with slaves for dangerous and poorly paid wage work. Poor whites faced sporadic employment and the constant need to be on the move to obtain the means of survival, all of which undermined the stability of their families and led a not small number of them to alcoholism, crime, or withdrawal from society altogether. Desperately poor women sometimes turned to prostitution, poor children sometimes ended up as bound labourers vulnerable to abuse, and as a class poor whites led lives of intense deprivation and ill health. Their existence was also suffused with a great deal of violence. Getting out of what was effectively a cycle of poverty, meanwhile, was nearly impossible and, by Merritt's reckoning, it was designed as such. She argues that slaveholders preferred the masses of white people undereducated, and that they had no interest in creating a system of public schools that might have provided poor whites with avenues of advance, or at least the ability to write their own names. They also preferred poor whites politically impotent and disengaged, and therefore engineered something less than a true white democracy by making voting difficult, limiting the terms of political debates, and crafting apportionment schemes that were slanted toward the wealthy. There were dangers involved with having such a large underclass. Merritt demonstrates how slaveholding elites systematically policed poor white people to keep a lid on any disorder. They especially sought to limit the potential disruption of slavery that they feared from an interracial underground economy and other activities by poor whites that crossed the colour line. Poor whites were special targets of vagrancy laws, and they suffered rates of arrest and incarceration far higher than the general white population. They were sometimes subjected to humiliating corporal punishments typically reserved for enslaved people, left imprisoned without trial or for failure to pay fines, and they occasionally even found their labour auctioned...

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame machine prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.002
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.005
Version: metacan-v3-hybrid-931329e0061cValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: Not applicable
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: none
Teacher disagreement score0.046
Threshold uncertainty score0.092

Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0020.005
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0010.001
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0010.000
Bibliometrics0.0020.002
Science and technology studies0.0050.004
Scholarly communication0.0050.004
Open science0.0020.005
Research integrity0.0030.010
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0130.003

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.010
GPT teacher head0.238
Teacher spread0.228 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.

The models applied no category: nothing in the taxonomy fit this work.
Study designNot applicable
Domainnot available
GenreEmpirical

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

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Citations0
Published2018
Admission routes1
Has abstractyes

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