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Record W2902452459 · doi:10.1353/crc.2018.0051

Masculinity, Media, and the American Presidency by Meredith Conroy

2018· article· en· W2902452459 on OpenAlexvenueno aff
Andrea Braithwaite

Bibliographic record

VenueCanadian review of comparative literature · 2018
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicGender Roles and Identity Studies
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsPresidencyMasculinityPoliticsFemininitySociologyPresidential systemGender studiesMedia studiesLawPolitical science

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

Reviewed by: Masculinity, Media, and the American Presidency by Meredith Conroy Andrea Braithwaite Conroy, Meredith. Masculinity, Media, and the American Presidency. London & New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Pp. xiii+195. $99.99 hardcover, $79.99 ebook. There is something oddly comforting about reading Meredith Conroy's Masculinity, Media, and the American Presidency in the wake of the 2016 US presidential election. Conroy's work deftly identifies patterns in how the American news media frames its political candidates, and in doing so offers a useful and critical context for making sense of the United States' most recent election. With Conroy's insights at hand, it becomes easier to grasp, for instance, the American news media's apparent fascination with handshakes between world leaders, or how old WWE wrestling footage manages to find new political purchase. Conroy's Masculinity, Media, and [End Page 515] the American Presidency provides a thorough, precise, and polemical account of the relationship between popular perceptions of gender roles and political success or failure. Conroy explains that her core goal is to better understand how "the Office of the President has established itself, with no variation, as a man's domain" (1). This research question is anchored in the distinction between masculinity and maleness, and femininity and femaleness; in other words, between gender and sex. As her first chapter points out, American news media is less preoccupied with a political candidate's biological sex than with gendered traits most commonly associated with sex, such as masculinity and strength. This opens the door for Conroy to gender men in her analysis: to understand how masculinity and femininity, rather than the more commonly investigated maleness and femaleness, may impact men's fortunes in the political process in the United States. In doing so, Conroy is filling an important gap in the literature, as "there has not been an empirically [sic] assessment of the degree to which an association with gender has affected male candidates' campaigns" (12). A key part of Masculinity, Media, and the American Presidency is what Conroy terms gender conflict framing: "The prominent dichotomy of gender as masculine versus feminine lends itself to the negative and combative nature of elections, and journalistic practices and routines of political reporting" (138), so that the dynamic of conflict that motivates media coverage of politics is pitched as a battle between masculinity and femininity. Moreover, Conroy demonstrates how traits associated with femininity are regularly used to discredit or undermine a candidate; the broader impact of this, Conroy suggests, lies in the message being sent to voters: "that one candidate is the more masculine choice, whereas the other candidate is the more feminine choice" (3). Voters are choosing not just a party or a platform, but also a particular evaluation, and valuation, of gender. By theorizing gender conflict framing, Conroy can now more effectively ask and answer: "To what degree is gendered language employed in political discussion, for what purpose, and to what effect?" (73). Through a content analysis of two prominent American newspapers (the New York Times and USA Today) from 2000 to 2012, she establishes that "it is acceptable for a president to lack positive feminine qualities, but it is unacceptable for a president to lack positive masculine qualities" (102). To fully illustrate her results, Conroy digs into a few specific political contests, such as the 2004 race between Republican George W. Bush and Democrat John Kerry, as the United States' more militaristic cultural environment after the attacks on New York City's World Trade Center on September 11, 2001 provided a fertile ground for the resonance of aggressively masculinized leadership. Such arguments and data may indeed be sorely needed in political science; as Conroy demonstrates, the field has, to this point, relied upon perspectives that do not explicitly differentiate between sex and gender as she does here. Speaking primarily to a presumed audience of political science scholars and enthusiasts, however, means that many significant insights about sex, gender, representation, media, and culture [End Page 516] generated beyond this field are absent from Conroy's discussions. Scholars familiar with this wider range of material may find themselves disappointed by the connections that could have been made and the robust...

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How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame machine prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.001
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.003
Version: metacan-v3-hybrid-931329e0061cValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: Not applicable
GenreCandidate signal: Review · Consensus signal: Review
Teacher disagreement score0.018
Threshold uncertainty score0.062

Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0010.003
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0010.000
Bibliometrics0.0020.001
Science and technology studies0.0030.002
Scholarly communication0.0030.003
Open science0.0010.002
Research integrity0.0020.004
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0180.007

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.024
GPT teacher head0.328
Teacher spread0.304 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.

The models applied no category: nothing in the taxonomy fit this work.
Study designNot applicable
Domainnot available
GenreReview

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

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Citations0
Published2018
Admission routes1
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