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Record W3024609865

ISIS, GENOCIDE AND A “THICK DESCRIPTION” OF POWER

2019· article· en· W3024609865 on OpenAlexaboutno aff
Rochdi Mohan Nazala

Bibliographic record

VenueTransformasi Global · 2019
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicMiddle East and Rwanda Conflicts
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsGenocideAmnestyIslamChristianityLawPower (physics)State (computer science)Ancient historyHistoryReligious studiesAllegationSociologyPolitical scienceHuman rightsArchaeologyPhilosophy
DOInot available

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

Introduction On August 3, 2015, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) fighters were marching with full military equipment to Kocho, a village that belongs to Yazidi, one of the minorities in Iraq, near Mount Sinjar (Kikoler, 2015). They captured 1200 men, women and children whom in the next two days ISIS told to leave their religious practice, which is a combination of elements of Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam and to convert to Islam. When the majority of Yazidi's men refused the demand, all of them were taken with their eyes blindfolded around 500 meters outside the village, and upon arriving at the destination, they were lined up, videotaped and shot (Amnesty International Canada, August 18, 2014). The women became sex slaves (Smith, 2014) and the children were transferred to ISIS’s camp to train as soldiers (McLaughlin, 2016). The story above from Kocho is a one of frames that is used repeatedly to justify the allegation of ISIS conducting genocide toward Yazidi as well as other minorities in Iraq and Syria. The European Union, for instance, announced in the beginning of 2016 that ISIS was committing genocide against Christians and Yazidis, and other religious and ethnic minorities (Brown, 2016). Later, this statement was followed by the announcement of the US government in March 2016 that stated ISIS “is responsible for genocide against groups in areas under its control, including Yazidis, Christian and Shiite Muslims” (Labott & Kopan, 2016) .  Huy  (2010) in his comment on the book of one Khmer Rouge’s survivor, Bou Meng, says genocide “has always been a political act, and always will be.” Politics, according to Morgenthou (1985), is about interest defining in terms of power. Indeed, as one of the ISIS's fighters says above, by joining ISIS and subsequently becoming involved in genocidal acts, it brings them the feeling of being free. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), to be free means to be “able to act as one wishes, determining one’s own action or choice; done or made without compulsion or constraint” ( Oxford English Dictionary online , 2016). In other words, the perpetrators acknowledge that their ruthless behaviors are the sign of power because, as it is written in the OED, power creates a sense of the  “ability to act or affect something strongly; [exhibiting] physical or mental strength” (Oxford English Dictionary online, 2016 ).  How can genocidal acts be political while also creating a sense of power within the perpetrators?  To what extent do the atrocious acts of mass killings, sex slavery as well as human trafficking involving children create a sense of power to ISIS’s fighters? This essay aims to construct a thick description of power within ISIS’s genocidal acts. The ideas brought forth is that genocide as it was against Yazidi reflects the meaning ISIS’s members give to power and how it operates in social life.

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.000
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: none
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: Empirical
Teacher disagreement score0.850
Threshold uncertainty score0.487

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.000
Science and technology studies0.0000.000
Scholarly communication0.0000.000
Open science0.0000.000
Research integrity0.0000.000
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0000.000

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.017
GPT teacher head0.268
Teacher spread0.250 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.

The models applied no category: nothing in the taxonomy fit this work.
Study designNot applicable
Domainnot available
GenreEmpirical

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

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Citations0
Published2019
Admission routes1
Has abstractyes

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