From Aamoo (Bees) To Memengwaa (Butterflies), Living Well with Manidoons (Insect Pollinators) and Ninwish (Milkweed): Indigenous Peoples and Insect Pollinators on Turtle Island (North America)
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Dramatic declines in the number of some insect pollinator species have been associated with urbanization, intensive agricultural practices, declining food sources, pathogens, predators, competitors, and climate change (McDaniel and Borton 2002, Potts et al. 2010). Given that insect pollinators provide valuable ecosystem services (Losey and Vaughan 2006), these declines have, in some instances, resulted in policies and strategies aimed at reversing these trends (Grossman 2013). Some of these initiatives, such as the recent listing of monarch butterflies (Danaus plexippus) as an endangered species in Canada (COSEWIC 2016, Environment Canada 2014), while lauded as a conservation success by proponents, have also been a cause for concern for certain Indigenous groups in Canada, who see the Species at Risk Act (SARA) as a possible infringement on tribal sovereignty. These perceptions are often rooted in historical precedents when religious authorities, governmental agencies (e.g., Indian Agents), and in some cases researchers were allowed to appropriate information and extract specimens from Indigenous lands with little recognition of local knowledge systems or Indigenous protocols. This is not to say, however, that Indigenous groups are opposed to conservation efforts. Some Indigenous groups, such as the Soboba Band of Luiseño Indians in California, have implemented various insect pollinator strategies in their traditional territories. The Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation operate a Tribal Native Plant Nursery in Oregon; the Osage Nation Communities of Excellence have partnered with the Euchee Butterfly Farm in Oklahoma; and the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community initiated the Zaagkii Wings and Seeds Project in Michigan. Other groups, such as the Saugeen First Nation, have left vast fields of milkweed and other flowers undisturbed for pollinators and other animals.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.004 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.026 | 0.003 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".