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Record W3200966589

Oma ja võõras toit: 1944. aasta pagulaste toidukogemused ERMi allikate põhjal: Artikli avamiseks täies mahus vajuta paremas veerus asuvale nupule PDF.

2017· article· et· W3200966589 on OpenAlexaboutno aff
Riina Reinvelt

Bibliographic record

VenueEesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat · 2017
Typearticle
Languageet
FieldAgricultural and Biological Sciences
TopicCulinary Culture and Tourism
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsEstonianContext (archaeology)GeographyPolitical scienceEconomic historyHistoryArchaeology
DOInot available

Abstract

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Our Food and Theirs: The 1944 Emigres’ Food Experience Based on Estonian National Museum SourcesСвоя и чужая еда: связанный с едой опыт беженцев 1944 года на базе источников ЭНМIn the summer and autumn of 1944, as the Soviet front drew nearer, thousands of Estonians fled across the Baltic Sea to Finland, Sweden and Germany. The total number of those who fled has been estimated at 70,000–90,000 people. Of them, 50,000 Estonians made it to Germany and 28,000 Estonians to Sweden. Later a number of them emigrated further to the US, Canada, Australia and England. In their new adopted homes, the emigres encountered unaccustomed food ingredients, dishes and food preparation methods. These items varied slightly in all countries, but a theme that was a constant for emigres when they wrote or talked about their experiences with food was the lack of Estonian-type foods. In the context of people’s everyday expectations and practices, this meant a cultural clash between the habitual practices they carried with them when they became refugees and the experiences in their new homelands.The lack of Estonian food in the local food culture led to the need to prepare the dishes themselves – both everyday staples (such as bread and sauerkraut) and fare associated with special occasions and holidays (head cheese or sult, the beet and potato salad called rosolje and the sweet fruited bread kringel). The food preparers were mainly women, and women also typically also hold a regular job to earn a living for the family.The first generation of emigres saw Estonian-style food as the food of their homeland, which fostered a direct link to the home they had left; attitudes toward it became increasingly nostalgic. For the first generation of descendants of the emigres, the flavours and food experiences are a part of home, environment and childhood memories.On the basis of the interviews and answers on questionnaire forms in the museum archive as well as the experiences gained in field work, we can conclude that in everyday practice, Estonian-style food is one of the most vital anchors of identity for emigre Estonian communities. The preparation of Estonian foods, the seeking out of such food from stores and consumption of Estonian food remains for the Estonian diaspora a way to identify as Estonian and adapt into the community of Estonians in their country of location. Резюме Рийна РейнвелтЛетом и осенью 1944 года, спасаясь от наступающих советских войск, через Балтийское море в Финляндию и Швецию бежали тысячи эстонцев. Предполагается, что количество перебравшихся во время Второй мировой войны на запад составляет 70 000–90 000 человек, из них в Германию прибыло примерно 50 000 и в Швецию около 28 000 эстонцев. Впоследствии эстонцы переселялись в США, Канаду, Австралию и Англию. В новых местах поселений беженцы столкнулись с непривычными продуктами питания, блюдами и способами приготовления пищи. В каждом месте блюда немного отличались, но рассказывая или описывая свое первое впечатление от еды всегда сетовали на отсутствие эстонской еды. В контексте повседневных ожиданий людей и практик это означало культурное столкновение между взятыми с собой с родины привычками и опытом, полученным в новых местах поселения. Отсутствие в местной культуре питания привычной эстонской еды привело к необходимости самим готовить как повседневную еду (напр., хлеб, квашеная капуста), так и связанные с праздничными событиями блюда (напр., холодец, розолье, крендель). Большей частью еду готовили женщины, которые в то же время, работая, зарабатывали средства к жизни. Для первого поколения беженцев эстонская еда означала еду, которую ели на родине, создающую прямую связь с оставленным домом, отношение к которому становилось все более ностальгическим. Для членов следующего поколения беженцев вкусы и связанные с едой впечатления являются частью дома, среды и детских воспоминаний. На базе имеющихся в архивах музея интервью и ответов на анкеты, а также полученного в ходе экспедиционных работ опыта, можно сделать вывод о том, что эстонская еда в повседневной практике общин зарубежных эстонцев является одним из самых жизнеспособных якорей идентитета. Приготовление эстонской еды, покупка по возможности в магазинах и употребление ее в пищу остается и по сегодняшний день для живущих за границей эстонцев одной из возможностей идентифицировать себя в качестве эстонцев и адаптироваться в эстонскую общину страны проживания.

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame machine prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.000
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.001
Version: metacan-v3-hybrid-931329e0061cValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Qualitative · Consensus signal: none
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: none
Teacher disagreement score0.061
Threshold uncertainty score0.204

Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0000.001
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0010.001
Science and technology studies0.0040.002
Scholarly communication0.0040.002
Open science0.0000.003
Research integrity0.0010.001
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0610.020

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.037
GPT teacher head0.255
Teacher spread0.218 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.

The models applied no category: nothing in the taxonomy fit this work.
Study designQualitative
Domainnot available
GenreEmpirical

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

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Citations0
Published2017
Admission routes1
Has abstractyes

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