The Baseball Boys of Onionville: A Personal Reflection on the Rise and Fall of Small-Town Ball in a New York Village
Bibliographic record
Abstract
The Baseball Boys of OnionvilleA Personal Reflection on the Rise and Fall of Small-Town Ball in a New York Village Jay Kimiecik (bio) All go to one place; all come from dust, and all return to dust. —Ecclesiastes 3:20 (Berean Study Bible) I’m seven years old and playing left field for the great Florida, New York, Legion Post 1250 team in the Orange-Ulster County Baseball League, an adult league. My team is in the midst of a long winning streak spanning a couple of summers and several championships. It’s 1965, and our opponent on a hot Sunday ball field is the Monroe Eagles. Standing in outfield grass tall enough to hide my cleatless sneakers, I’m flanked by young men (including my father, the manager) who are my heroes. In the bottom of the third inning, a fly ball finally comes my way . . . Once upon a time, small-town baseball played in the rural backdrop of America vanished without even a whimper. The vast majority of people couldn’t care less about small towns like mine that lost their baseball teams about a half century ago; they’ve moved on, and so have their children and their children’s children. For reasons I cannot fully fathom, ghosts of my town’s team haunt me. I hope that telling the story of the rise and fall of baseball in my hometown will help me exorcise these ghosts and, like most others, move on. [End Page 8] the rise of black gold onions and baseball in my hometown There is some question as to whether American baseball in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries originated with rural farmers or city folk.1 The answer, of course, is both. John Thorn, official historian for Major League Baseball, writes, “In fact, baseball appears to have sprung up everywhere, like dandelions, and we cannot now expect to identify with certainty which of these hardy flowers was truly the first.”2 However, my impression of the writing on early American baseball is that it tends to highlight the development of the urban-professional game, leading to the misconception that rural or small-town baseball served as a by-product, rather than a cocreator, of the game’s evolution into the national pastime. In doing some research, I found that academic historians, such as David Vaught and Steven Gelber, present reasonable arguments that baseball was played on ball fields of rural towns from New York to California well before, and after, the game became “a city game for city men” in the 1840s and 1850s.3 Vaught goes as far as to write that the predilection of baseball as a city game was grounded in “urban bias” and “folly.”4 All I will say is that their stories ring true for my Village of Florida, New York, which is part of the thousands of acres that make up Orange County’s fertile Black Dirt Region that also includes other towns or hamlets such as Pine Island, Little York, Goshen, Chester, and Wawayanda. Baseball in Florida seemingly grew out of the “black gold” along with the onions that were the staple produce in the beginning. That beginning is a long story and may go as far back as 1608, when, according to some historical banter, a small group of Polish workers imported to Jamestown for their skills introduced their version of baseball, called palant, to the English colonists.5 But that’s a whole other story. Fast-forward to Florida (approximate population 2,800), situated sixty miles northwest of New York City with two stoplights and the “drowned lands” on the outskirts of town. Florida is the birthplace of William Henry Seward and home to the polka king Jimmy Sturr as well as a high school (named after Seward’s father, Samuel) that won the 1999 New York State Baseball Class D Championship. Florida (est. 1760) grew with mostly Polish immigrants (along with Irish, Germans, and Italians). Those arriving, poor and desperate for work, knew that the wet muck formed from melting glaciers centuries ago, when drained, would be rich farmland. Much of the drainage work—achieved through blood, sweat, and tears...
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.002 | 0.003 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.024 | 0.005 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.007 | 0.005 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.009 |
| Research integrity | 0.004 | 0.017 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.044 | 0.006 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".