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Record W4377818944 · doi:10.1162/tneq_r_00988

Making Maine: Statehood and the War of 1812

2023· article· en· W4377818944 on OpenAlex
Zachary M. Bennett

Why this work is in the frame

A frame that forgets how it found something cannot be audited. These are the routes that admitted this work.

aboutThe title or abstract carries a Canadian signal from the geographic lexicon.
no affNo Canadian affiliation: this work is invisible to an affiliation-only frame.
No Canadian affiliation. An affiliation-only frame, the usual design, would never have seen this work. It is one of the works that make the case for inverting the frame.

Bibliographic record

VenueThe New England Quarterly · 2023
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicAmerican Constitutional Law and Politics
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsFederalistState (computer science)DemocracyPower (physics)PoliticsLawTheme (computing)Spanish Civil WarCommonwealthNarrativeHistoryPolitical scienceEconomic historySociologyLiteratureArt

Abstract

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Imagine an America where police and military officers are appointed solely on the basis of their political allegiances. Imagine an America so politically polarized that opponents are labeled as advocating for an “infidel philosophy” (206). Now, imagine an America that reacts to the invasion of its territory by a foreign power with indifference. Hard to imagine? Well, readers of Joshua M. Smith's fifth book, Making Maine, may be surprised to learn this is precisely what Mainers endured in the first two decades of the nineteenth century. This remarkable episode has been overlooked because it runs counter to the western trajectory of the nation and the “insistence on American success” as the theme of nineteenth-century U.S. history (237).Making Maine takes a chronological approach spanning from the Jefferson Administration through Maine's first years as a state in the 1820s. Although the book has several themes, it defies a clear narrative arc, which gives some sense to the chaos of those two decades. Before the War of 1812, the commonwealth of Massachusetts was a divided state. Long a Federalist stronghold, Thomas Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party were ascendant in the state, especially in its non-contiguous district of Maine. Its influence fading at home and nationally, Federalists jealously guarded their power and even discussed seceding from the Union to avoid what was, in their view, the apocalypse of Democratic-Republican rule. In turn, Democratic Republicans labeled their Federalist opponents as “aristocrats” and as enemies of principles won in the American Revolution (21). Growing religious divisions only further fanned these flames. Methodist and Baptist denominations gained popularity across Massachusetts, yet all citizens were required to pay taxes to support the stalwart Congregational Church. The theme of intense partisanship pervades the book and should help twenty-first-century readers put contemporary ideological divisions in perspective.Massachusetts was not in a suitable posture for war, yet it came in 1812. Chaos and disorder reigned on land and sea in Maine. Canadians and Americans frequently smuggled resources across the border and privateers waylaid ships regardless of the flag they flew. Mainers often saw their political opponents as a greater threat than the British with whom they were at war. Federalists who saw the war as the folly of the Democratic-Republican president, James Monroe, were particularly resistant. They refused to pay taxes, and even in one instance beating a recruiter “with the butt end of a whip handle” (111).Sensing the divisions in Maine and seeking to avenge the several American invasions of Upper Canada, the British invaded Maine in 1814 and met with indifference. Encountering little resistance, British forces successfully captured Downeast Maine. Most Mainers “preferred property to pride,” opting to take neutrality oaths and ride out the war rather than engage in a patriotic defiance (161). Mainers looked to Massachusetts to relieve them of the indignity of occupation—Boston's influence and resources, after all, were the reason many Mainers had curbed statehood efforts up to that point. Massachusetts’ response was uninspiring. Boston Federalists failed to muster the necessary funds or initiative to challenge the British occupation of Maine. Mainers accused Massachusetts’ Federalist governor of “tamely submitting to the invasion of his territory” (204). Massachusetts Federalists’ perceived apathy toward its Maine citizens and their bungling of the militia tipped the scales in favor of statehood, which was achieved in 1820. Smith notes that the separation was not necessarily as acrimonious as one would assume, since “the Massachusetts ideal of an orderly Boston-oriented society lingered in Maine” after independence—seen in the state's constitution and state house imitating the Bay State in both an ideological and physical sense (223).Making Maine will be of interest to scholars and lay readers of the state's history. The amount of research in Making Maine borders on encyclopedic, and the primary sources in the book are impressive, coming from an impressive number of archives. Making Maine seems written for Mainers with an intimate knowledge of the Pine Tree State's geography. Those interested in placing Maine's experience during the War of 1812 within the wider national experience may note that the encyclopedic coverage of the war and the events surrounding it do not lend itself to a narrative structure. Smith vividly describes exciting battles and confrontations but could have also spent more time convincing readers why those events mattered with greater context. As a native Mainer, I fear that those “from away” will have a hard time seeing the relevance or importance of this forgotten episode from a largely forgotten war. Overall, Making Maine brings long overdue attention to an important moment in American history. Unlike Maine's cries for help in 1814, one hopes that this book is heard by scholars beyond the state's borders, because it helps us understand a critical crossroads not just in Maine's history, but the nation's as well.

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Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.001
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Theoretical or conceptual · Consensus signal: none
GenreCandidate signal: Empirical · Consensus signal: Empirical
Teacher disagreement score0.883
Threshold uncertainty score0.621

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0000.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0000.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.000
Science and technology studies0.0000.001
Scholarly communication0.0000.000
Open science0.0000.000
Research integrity0.0000.000
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0000.000

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.022
GPT teacher head0.304
Teacher spread0.282 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it