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Record W4379622256 · doi:10.1353/iur.2011.0027

Another perspective on the Canadian Fraser decision

2011· article· en· W4379622256 on OpenAlexaboutno aff
Roy J. Adams

Bibliographic record

VenueInternational Union Rights · 2011
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldSocial Sciences
TopicLabor Movements and Unions
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsSupreme courtLegislationVictoryCollective bargainingPolitical scienceGovernment (linguistics)LawPerspective (graphical)SociologyLaw and economicsPolitics

Abstract

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COMMENT□ COLLECTIVEBARGAINING INCANADA Another perspective on the Canadian Fraser decision I based recent labour to Canadian The framework concerned the institutional challenges movement Canadian unionism has majoritytrade been by of labourmovement has been concerned by recentchallenges to the majoritybased institutional framework of Canadian trade unionism ROY ADAMS, Ariel F.Sallows Chair of Human Rights (Emeritus), University off Saskatchewan &Professor of Industrial Relations (Emeritus), McMaster University. In lawyer on her the recent recent Veena article Canadian Verma in presented this Supreme journal, a Court perspective Canadian Fraser lawyer Veena Vermapresented a perspective on therecent CanadianSupreme CourtFraser decisionwithwhichI emphatically disagree.By applauding an appealscourt decisionthat attacks worker human rights andcondemning onebythe Supreme Court that rightly overturns that decision, itundermines worker rights notonlyin Canada butaroundtheworld. Formostofthe20thcentury agricultural workersinOntario , contrary tointernational standards thatCanada has agreedto respect, receivedno governmental assistance toorganise orengagein collective bargaining. Indeed,Ontario policyperpetrated theidea thatcollective bargaining was inappropriate foragriculture. In the 1990sthat changed whena left-leaning NewDemocratic Party government introduced legislation intended toprotectfarmworker bargaining rights. A subsequent Conservative government overturned thatlegislation andwithdrew government support. TheUnited Food and Commercial Workers Union(UFCW)theprimary unioninvolved inOntario agriculture - tookthecasetocourt andintheDunmore decisionof2001scoredan apparent victory. TheSupreme Court ofCanadatoldOntario that itmust protect agricultural workers' right toorganisefree from interference andtoengageinthelawfulactivities ofanyorganisations that they formed - a statement that implicitly included engaging in collectivebargaining. The Ontariogovernment introduced minimalist legislation (theAgricultural Employees Protection Act[AEPA]) protecting the right offarm workers toorganise and,through their associations, to makerepresentations to employerswhilerequiring thatemployers reador listen tothoserepresentations. Itdidnotrequire employerstobargain ingoodfaith nordiditcontain stipulationsprotecting the right to strikeor other impasseresolution device. In2007, however, intheBCHealth Services case, theSupremeCourtofCanada made itclearthat Canadianworkers have a constitutional right to bargaincollectively and to be bargained within goodfaith. Inherarticle, Verma accurately reports that theCourt "found that freedom ofassociationrequires both employers and employees tomeet and to engagein ' meaningful dialogue ' inpursuit ofa common goal ofpeacefuland productive accommodation. They must avoidunnecessary delaysand makereasonable efforts to arrive atan acceptable contract. " In therecent Fraser II decision, themajority of theSupremeCourtaffirmed theHealthServices decisionandtheprinciples enunciated inittobe "goodlaw."Canadianworkers areentitled torely on thoseprinciples and Canadiangovernments havea constitutional duty tosecurethem. TheUFCW wasquitedismayed bytheAEPAand appealedit.Prior totheBC HealthServices decisiona lowercourt upheldthestatute but,subsequenttothereleaseofHealth Services, theOntario Court ofAppeal,inFraser I,found ittobe unconstitutional andordered Ontario toinstitute legislationcontaining thekeyfeatures oftheWagner-Act ModelonwhichmostCanadianlabourlegislation is based. InFraser I,Ontario Chief Justice Winkler declared thatinordertoqualify forgovernment collective bargaining supportagricultural workerunions would,likemostother Canadianunions, haveto demonstrate majority supportin an appropriate unit decidedbya government agency. TheCourt's intention was tosimply bring Ontario agriculture uptothesamestandards (andtoimposethesame limitations) as exist acrossCanada.Butthosestandardsdelimit a very defective version offreedom ofassociation. Voluntarily organised non-majority unionshave historically received nogovernment collective bargaining support in Canada.ButJustice Winkler's decision wentonestepfurther. Itspecified that the workeroptionoforganising in non-majority or uncertified unionsnotonlywouldreceive nogovernment support, inpursuit ofindustrial relations stability ithadtobe 'eradicated' altogether. Thatstipulation was,as I demonstrated ina previousissueofIUR (17.4),directly contrary tointernationalhumanrights law. The principal source ofrelevant international law is theInternational LabourOrganisation (ILO) and ithas longinsisted thatmajoritarianism as a minimum condition for unionrecognition doesnotpromote collective bargaining. Ithinders it. Recentreviews ofexperience by,forexample, AlanBogg in theDemocratic AspectsofTrade UnionRecognition, provide empirical support for thatposition.By insisting thatworkersmeeta majoritarian test for unionrecognition, theOntario Court ofAppealordered theOntario government notto respectbutrather to offend international law and,indoingso,tofrustrate rather thanpromotecollective bargaining. Whereemployers oppose unionisation vigorouslyitisexceedingly difficult for unionstomake anyprogress under majoritarian rules. IntheUnited States unions haveallbutabandoned available certification procedures becauseofaggressive employeropposition . InCanada, unions playing bymajoritarianrulesin theprivatesector,have been in declinefordecades. The overallcollective bargainingcoverageratein theprivate sectornow standsatabout16 percent and is falling. In agriINTERNATIONAL union rights Page 22Volume 18Issue 3201 1 COMMENT□ COLLECTIVE BARGAINING INCANADA culture thebargaining coverage rate, where majoritarianism is ineffect, is roughly fivepercent and isalsofalling. Despitetheseterrible numbers theUFCWwas content withChief Justice Winkler's decisionand was angry andchagrined bytheSupreme Court's overturning ofthatdecision.Why?Firstof all, becauseiftheWagnerActModelweretoapplyto agriculture theUFCWhadtheprospect oforganising several 'factory farms'. However, becauseof thedifficulties oforganising under that Model,the unionwouldhavegainedatbesta fewthousand new dues-paying members. Itwould have marginally improved itsstatus as an on-going institution .However, thegreat majority offarmworkers wouldhavebeenleft outinthecold,their conditionsofworksubject - fortheforeseeable future - tothevagaries ofthemarket and thearbitrary whims oftheir bosses. Another significant reasonwhytheUFCWwas content with theWinkler decision was becauseof itsapparent unfamiliarity withindustrial relations lawandpractice outside ofCanada.Verma tells us that "without majoritarian exclusivity" there canbe nomeaningful collective bargaining. Thisposition is also supported byJamesClancy, president of the National Union of...

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame machine prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.010
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.023
Version: metacan-v3-hybrid-931329e0061cValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesnone
Consensus categoriesnone
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: Not applicable
GenreCandidate signal: Commentary · Consensus signal: Commentary
Teacher disagreement score0.120
Threshold uncertainty score0.868

Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0100.023
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0010.001
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0010.003
Bibliometrics0.0030.005
Science and technology studies0.0530.016
Scholarly communication0.0190.007
Open science0.0060.004
Research integrity0.0560.040
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0220.003

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.030
GPT teacher head0.298
Teacher spread0.268 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.

The models applied no category: nothing in the taxonomy fit this work.
Study designNot applicable
Domainnot available
GenreCommentary

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

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Published2011
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Same venueInternational Union RightsSame topicLabor Movements and UnionsFrench-language works237,207