Bibliographic record
Abstract
This book explores questions that have intrigued me as a result of living in the central interior of British Columbia and working with Secwepemc and Carrier communities over a number of years.I first became interested in Cariboo ethnography and the politics of history in 1985, when, as a graduate student in anthropology, I took a summer job with the Nazko First Nation.Leaders of the Nazko First Nation were in the midst of heated debates with government and nonprofit groups over the development of an ancient Aboriginal trade route recently renamed the Alexander Mackenzie Heritage Trail after the early fur-trade explorer.Band leaders thought that the project not only erased the Carrier history of the trail but also celebrated the colonization of Canada, the taking of Aboriginal lands and resources, and the Carrier people's ultimate subordination to the Canadian state.Over the summer, I carried out research into the history and contemporary significance of the trail to Carrier people and produced a video on the trail's Aboriginal heritage to be shown to local high school audiences.Through the events of that summer, and through the negative reaction that the government funding agency had to the resulting video, I became aware of the strong commitment that many Euro-Canadians have to frontier histories and figures such as Mackenzie and of the intense conflicts that arise when Aboriginal and Euro-Canadian histories intersect.Since then I have continued to work with Secwepemc and Carrier communities in the Cariboo-Chilcotin on a variety of ethnographic and applied research projects.In the fall of 1985, I carried out ethnographic research for my master's degree in the Secwepemc reserve village of Alkali Lake, tracing the history of the band's sobriety movement, through which community members were working toward a collective recovery from alcohol abuse and related social problems.In 1986, I returned to Williams Lake to take up work with the Cariboo Tribal Council as a land claims coordinator.Over the next four years, I worked with Secwepemc and Carrier First Nations conducting research to support Aboriginal title and
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.004 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.002 | 0.003 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.004 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.005 | 0.002 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.486 | 0.249 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".