The Three Deaths of Cerro de San Pedro: Four Centuries of Extractivism in a Small Mexican Mining Town

The book under review significantly advances our understanding of the intertwined narratives of mining and environmental history. This work, distinguished by its concise chapters and lucid prose, offers a compelling exploration of the mining cycles in Cerro de San Pedro, a small mining town in San Luis Potosí, Mexico.One of the book's notable strengths lies in Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert's capacity for conducting long-term analysis, transcending conventional periodizations. Historians often concentrate on specific time frames without engaging with research from different eras, thereby constraining their comprehension of phenomena such as the one identified by the author in this book: a recurrent pattern characterized by boom, depletion, and renewal cycles across more than four centuries. This cyclical phenomenon, intricately linked to technological advancements and capital availability, bears profound socioenvironmental ramifications. Conducting a study of this scope necessitates a sophisticated methodology that involves managing an extensive array of primary sources, spanning from colonial records to oral histories. The author skillfully tackles this challenge.The book maintains a well-structured format, segmented into three distinct epochs corresponding to Cerro de San Pedro's production cycles: colonial, industrial, and neoliberal. Within each section, a series of chapters intricately interlace various concepts to elucidate the mechanics of extractive models, their societal and environmental repercussions, and the corresponding communal responses. The notion of “social metabolism” emerges as a pivotal concept, spotlighting the dynamic interplay between mining operations, society, and the natural environment. This intricate relationship, as depicted, results in an unequal distribution of costs and benefits.As expounded in the book, this metabolic dynamic escalates with each successive extractive cycle, accompanied by a surge in metal processing. During the colonial period, mineral extraction relied on combustion of charcoal, instigating deforestation and soil degradation, with toxic emissions adversely affecting both workers and the environment. The industrial phase witnessed a shift in energy sourcing, demanding resources from more distant places, while escalating production rates led to copious volumes of polluting waste. Grim working conditions persisted, leaving laborers vulnerable to accidents and diseases such as hookworm. The advent of open-pit mining in the neoliberal era wielded a profound toll on the landscape, leading to the destruction of the iconic hill of San Luis Potosí. Furthermore, this activity resulted in the depletion and contamination of aquifer resources, as well as air pollution due to suspended dust from continuous detonations.Another critical concept, “moral ecology,” illuminates the demands articulated by laborers and surrounding communities in response to the repercussions of extractivism. These demands, crucially, contest not mining as a practice but rather the asymmetrical apportionment of damages and benefits it engenders. Throughout time, local communities have mounted resistance against these disparities, advocating for social equity and a more equitable distribution of gains and losses. This examination of mining's social impacts leads us to an equally salient concern: the unequal ecologies associated with distinct production models. As an illustration, during the industrial period in Cerro de San Pedro, managed by a US company, the unequal burden of environmental issues faced by Mexican workers and their families compared to US employees who resided in a much healthier environment is distinctly evident.Long-term analysis also allows us to appreciate how modes of resistance and organization underwent changes over time, as did the responses from extractive companies to mitigate these struggles. With the emergence of the new extractivism, for example, the Canadian company Minera San Xavier adopted a rhetoric that downplayed the chronic effects of its activities and even dismissed the danger of cyanide. Furthermore, it developed strategies aimed at gaining the support of the local population, such as investing in local infrastructure, creating employment opportunities in the community, and committing to assess water quality, among others. These measures represented a minimal cost for the company compared to its substantial profits but proved to be “a most useful solvent against the moral ecology forwarded by the opposition” (p. 223). In 2019, the company closed its operations and left behind a massive pile of waste that over time will result in gradual contamination as containment systems deteriorate.While the book predominantly delves into large-scale mining, it also references the coexistence of small-scale mining, which persisted even during periods of decline. The uniqueness of small-scale mining lies in its ability not to hinder gradual environmental recovery when operating in isolation. This aspect, though acknowledged in the book, might benefit from deeper examination to furnish a more comprehensive understanding and explore alternative, sustainable models within the mining context.In summation, this review has spotlighted some exceptional contributions of Studnicki-Gizbert's work, which promises to catalyze further scholarship and offer fresh insights into the historical analysis of mining history. The mining history of Cerro de San Pedro, as illuminated in this book, is not an isolated case but rather a narrative woven into the broader fabric of colonialism and capitalism, mirroring the experiences of numerous mining centers throughout Latin America.

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