Truth before transition: Reimagining anthropology as restorative justice
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Abstract
Anthropology is a discipline that is always in a state of transition and becoming, but the current moment has a sense of being a tipping point, a crisis, a sea change. Whether a case for letting anthropology burn (Jobson, 2020) or a call to decolonize anthropology (Gupta & Stoolman, 2022), the conversations happening in the field are coalescing around the need for change at a scale we have rarely faced before. In the current reality, people are desperate for futurities beyond late modernity, beyond the climate crisis, beyond the crush of neoliberal capitalism, beyond the ongoing violences of colonialism, and beyond the limits of Western knowledge. Emerging from the chrysalis of the COVID-19 pandemic, a powerful need for some sense of collective care for humanity as we face an uncertain future has resonated across the discipline (d'Alpoim Guedes et al., 2021). As a discipline that claims the study of humanity and promotion of cross-cultural understanding at our core, this moment should be a time when anthropology can be more relevant and meaningful than ever. But as tides of hate rise around us, we are struggling, sometimes flailing, sometimes failing, to make sense of our role in a different future when faced with necessary change (e.g., Joyce, 2021; Nelson, 2021b). In the face of a cataclysmic climate crisis and increasing global conflict, an insecurity about what a radical reimagining and reorientation of anthropology might mean permeates disciplinary discourse (A. Gupta & Stoolman, 2022; Lewis, 2023; Pierre, 2023). No accounting of an imagined future is possible without a reflection on how the past influences the present (Pels, 2015). In this paper, I offer my perspective on what this moment means, first by reminding us of our collective disciplinary truths before offering an example of an anthropology of restitution and restorative justice drawn from my own work as an Indigenous archaeologist. My perspective is grounded in my position as a Métis woman, an anthropological archaeologist, a mother, and someone with deep responsibilities to my relatives in the lands we now call Canada (Supernant, 2020a). While I will tell some difficult truths in this paper, it is my sincere hope that when facing down the specter of transition, we see possibilities, not insurmountable barriers. We see different possible futures, not the bleakness of the apocalyptic void. But truth first. Transition requires a reckoning with the truth. Without a reckoning, the past becomes a tether, tying our collective discipline to a legacy from which we cannot break free. Transition invites a release: a surrender of that which no longer serves our vision of what we wish to become. I am not the first to call for a reckoning, nor will I be the last. Many voices at the margins of anthropology and our allies have been telling difficult truths for generations and calling for disciplinary change (Deloria Jr., 1973, 1969; Gupta & Stoolman, 2022; King, 1997; Magubane & Faris, 1985; Montgomery & Supernant, 2022). I will share my own understanding of the truths of the discipline; I cannot claim to speak for all anthropologists, all Indigenous people, or even all Métis people. However, as an Indigenous woman educated in four-field, Americanist anthropology at the turn of the 21st century, I have a perspective on the transitions necessary for anthropology to be ethical, relevant, and a positive force for change. In 1969, Vine Deloria Jr. published what many saw as a damning satirical takedown of anthropology, or more specifically, of anthropologists, first in Playboy magazine and then as part of his book Custer Died for Your Sins (Deloria, 1969). The reaction was swift; anthropologists went on the defensive, pointing to their long-standing relationships with Indigenous interlocutors as evidence of their relevance (Officer, 1973). At the American Anthropological Association meetings the next year, a symposium was organized entitled “Anthropology and the American Indian” to discuss the relationships between anthropologists and Indigenous peoples in North America (Officer, 1973). Many of the presenters were Native American anthropologists, alongside some luminaries of the field, such as Margaret Mead, with Deloria offering a response (Deloria, 1973; see also Hancock, 2019). The presentations were recorded and transcribed into a short volume for publication (Officer, 1973). While a lot of the language is dated, the issues discussed by the presenters remain fundamentally the same today, over 50 years later. The heart of Deloria's critique, as well as similar critiques from other Indigenous scholars in that volume, was not about anthropological methods or even the value of anthropology as a discipline (Deloria, 1969, 1973). He was criticizing the reasons why anthropologists were studying Indigenous people, questioning the purpose of anthropological research, which at the time was still largely focused on saving traditional Indigenous culture rather than supporting contemporary Indigenous communities as they grappled with the impacts of colonization and fought for their rights. Rather than studying the ongoing harm of colonization, many early ethnographers in the Americas focused on salvaging what remained of the Indigenous cultures they perceived as being under threat of disappearing forever (Bruchac, 2018, 13; Darnell, 2001). The goal was preservation of a disappearing culture, not ensuring Indigenous survivance, an ethic that was still alive and well in the 1970s. This is best exemplified in Margaret Mead's response to Deloria, where she declares that her generation of anthropologists has said “We value your ancient cultures, we think they are very important for the world, and we will work with those of you who also value them, and we will all belong to a nice, scientific community, where the values are the same” (Mead, 1973, 70; emphasis added). I read Deloria's critique to be exactly of this paternalistic attitude, something that persists in various anthropological spaces today. What about those Indigenous people who care about their present and their future rather than merely their ancient cultures? What about using the powerful tools of anthropology to resist and critique the colonial policies that were (and are) actively harming Indigenous people while enabling white anthropologists to study them? While the narrative that sometimes emerges now is that the work of early ethnographers can Indigenous communities their language and culture, I to that this was not the of those imagined we have a future where we be our our our where we have to with anthropological our knowledge. In his Deloria the of anthropologists where they were the policies of the in the (Deloria, 1973, At a time when anthropological have been a powerful anthropologists, to the of Indigenous and were saving what they be for rather than anthropologists this of as it harm In the when Indigenous were being from their and to where were the The first was in on in to this to and study He was not to the of was to what to his anthropological vision of humanity and to from their to on in even & 1969, The work with the was very in Americanist the to all this work is the and the of Indigenous The being with and by Indigenous people was not always being on Indigenous communities to the next it was being and for colonial and all those who have I have no that they were what they to be necessary the time and that they were But are not to the harm by those or the legacy of those which is the of the discipline of anthropology in North America today. that even with important work on and Indigenous peoples were in we were a part of the to as we were on our to and This is the truth of has been critique of the of As in the same symposium as Mead, have many of the field who it as a calling and as they an and to the they were The sense of an and of anthropologists to into communities and they to about other cultures has been as This beyond anthropology to the other they can the of Indigenous anthropologists and Indigenous and then those from communities & or anthropologists that they can ancient of Indigenous to tell the of et al., 2021). 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Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.160 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.008 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it