Administrative Burden Revisited: Advancing Research and Practice

Studying bureaucratic pathologies has long been central to public administration (e.g., Bozeman, 1993). Recently, administrative burden has gained traction among academics and practitioners (Daigneault, Defacqz, et al., 2024; Halling & Baekgaard, 2023; Madsen et al., 2022). Administrative burden refers to “an individual's experience of policy implementation as onerous” (Burden et al., 2012, 741). The concept is intuitive and covers various costs arising from citizen-state interactions (Christensen et al., 2020; Moynihan et al., 2015): learning costs when searching for and acquiring information about programs and services (e.g., eligibility rules) and assessing their relevance; compliance costs when fulfilling rules and requirements (e.g., completing forms), and; psychological costs (e.g., stigma, loss of autonomy, frustration, stress). Two recent additions complete these categories: redemption costs, a subset of learning costs, refer to challenges in using benefits, such as SNAP or WIC recipients struggling to identify eligible products or participating stores (Barnes, 2020); and correction costs, linked to resolving administrative errors, such as identifying and addressing issues with authorities (Holler et al., 2024; Schmidt et al., 2023; Widlak & Peeters, 2020). The administrative burden framework provides unique insights into citizen-state interactions. First, it focuses on citizens—broadly defined—rather than businesses or public employees (Halling & Baekgaard, 2023; Herd & Moynihan, 2018; Madsen et al., 2022). Second, unlike red tape (see Bozeman, 1993), it emphasizes subjective experiences rather than objective frictions like rules and regulations (Baekgaard & Tankink, 2022; Daigneault, 2024; Madsen & Mikkelsen, 2022). Third, it posits that burdens, whether intentional or not, are constructed by public officials (Herd & Moynihan, 2018; Peeters, 2020). Many burdens stem from rules and organizational operations, suggesting they can be reduced through improved program design and burden reduction policies (Benish et al., 2023). Fourth, the framework highlights negative effects on citizens, including non-take-up and political disenfranchisement, though some scholars point to benefits like fair and efficient delivery and skill development (Baekgaard & Tankink, 2022; Herd & Moynihan, 2018; Holler et al., 2024; Nisar & Masood, 2023). Fifth, it underscores the unequal distribution of burdens, with certain individuals disproportionately affected by burden-laden programs, differential treatment within these programs, or limited resources to overcome burdens (Herd et al., 2023). This state-of-the-art review explores emerging research directions, based on key and cutting-edge studies, while highlighting the limited Canadian literature on administrative burden. It reviews three main domains of the literature (Baekgaard & Tankink, 2022; Christensen et al., 2020): (1) the causes of burdens (i.e., state actions, including burden reduction efforts targeting state actions), (2) individual experiences (i.e., costs and their interaction with individual characteristics), and (3) citizen outcomes (e.g., non-take-up), identifies new directions for research on individual experiences and citizen outcomes, and offers an assessment of the likelihood of making progress. The hidden nature of administrative burdens makes them valuable tools for political decision-makers. Presented as neutral and technical, burdens enable policymakers to pursue unpopular or illegitimate objectives (Moynihan, 2022; Moynihan et al., 2015). They divert attention from visible political processes to less scrutinized implementation details: “The more complex and submerged the details, the less they are subject to close inspection” (Herd et al., 2023, p. 12). For example, Benoit and Marier (2024) found Québec's government used significant burdens to ration home care services and shift responsibility to the informal sector, employing complex procedures as a “smokescreen” for resource shortages. Beyond capacity issues, ideology matters. In the US, Medicaid burdens are heavier in Republican-led states than Democratic ones (Moynihan et al., 2016). Studies show conservative officials and citizens tend to impose or tolerate more burdens (Baekgaard et al., 2020; Bell et al., 2021; Keiser & Miller, 2020; Halling et al., 2023), including in Canada (Baekgaard, Halling, et al., 2024; Yang & Hopkins, 2025). This tendency likely varies by policy sector (e.g., social assistance vs. gun control) and cultural context (Moynihan, 2022), highlighting the need for further research, particularly in Canada. New direction for research: using process tracing to differentiate “sins of commission” from “sins of omission.” Demonstrating that political decisions create burdens for citizens is straightforward, but proving they are deliberate (“sins of commission”) is more complex without explicit policy acknowledgment (Moynihan, 2022). Covariation studies—quantitative (e.g., Moynihan et al., 2016) or qualitative (e.g., Benoit & Marier, 2024)—fall short of proving intent, serving as “hoop tests” (George & Bennett, 2004). For example, Benoit and Marier's (2024) claim that home care burdens reflect policymaking by other means is plausible but based on indirect evidence. Alternative explanations, such as limited policy capacity, institutional inertia, or conflicting visions among multiple actors (see Pressman & Wildavski, 1984 [1973]), suggest “sins of omission” where policymakers failed to act. A more effective approach involves in-depth case studies using process tracing to test causal mechanisms and hypotheses (Bennett & Checkel, 2015; Charbonneau et al., 2017). “Smoking gun” or “doubly decisive” tests would provide stronger evidence of policymaking by other means. Street-level bureaucrats (SLBs, see Lipsky, 2010 [1980]) can intentionally create burdens beyond official policies, often influenced by their ideologies (Bell et al., 2021; Johnson & Neshkova, 2024; Peeters, 2020). In developing countries, they may impose burdens to extract bribes (Masood & Azfar Nisar, 2020; Nieto-Morales et al., 2024). Discriminatory practices increase burdens for marginalized groups, as seen when Black email aliases faced higher costs inquiring about US charter schools in an audit (field) experiment (Bell & Jilke, 2024; Jilke et al., 2018; see also Nisar, 2018). SLBs may impose burdens to manage high expectations with limited resources (Bell & Jilke, 2024; Benoit & Marier, 2024). For example, stressed unemployment counselors in Denmark increased burdens for clients (Madsen, 2024; Mikkelsen et al., 2024). Reducing workloads and enhancing state capacity could mitigate these effects (Bell & Meyer, 2023; Moynihan, 2022; Negoita et al., 2022; Robson, 2024; Schmidt et al., 2023). However, SLBs and managers can also alleviate burdens for vulnerable individuals by adapting practices (Benoit & Marier, 2024; Johnson & Neshkova, 2024; Tummers et al., 2015). Third parties can also shape citizens' burdens. Burdens can “trickle down” from governments to clients via third-party providers (Zuber, Strach, & Pérez-Chiqués, 2023). Alternatively, NGOs can alleviate burdens (Rode, 2024; Tiggelaar & George, 2023). For example, Tiggelaar and George (2023) describe how the Dutch volunteer organization “DebtAidBuddy” helps indebted individuals navigate public organizations to resolve financial challenges. New direction for research: investigating how institutional factors interact with emotional labor and SLBs' individual characteristics to shape burdens for citizens. Performance measurement systems and compliance demands increase stress on SLBs and constrain discretion, potentially creating ethical dilemmas (Benoit & Marier, 2024). Investigating how SLB professionalism, values, and ideologies influence burdens can generate deeper insights on burden transfers. Emotional labor—the management of emotions in professional settings—also plays a crucial role in SLBs' decision-making and service delivery (Stenderup, 2024). Exploring this through ethnographic and qualitative methods can reveal how emotional labor impacts citizens' burdens, particularly in emotionally charged or resource-constrained environments. This research could help create more supportive institutional frameworks, reducing SLB stress and improving outcomes for citizens. Many administrative burdens arise unintentionally from system design, including complex rules, procedures, information systems, bureaucratic language, and errors (Peeters, 2020). For example, Sabchev and Hennessey (2024) found substantial compliance costs in Canada's refugee sponsorship program, where sponsors navigate over 100 pages of forms and spend 30–35 hours per application. Simplifying compliance demands can alleviate these burdens (Baekgaard et al., 2021). The structure, framing, and communication of information by public authorities significantly impact citizens' burdens (Baekgaard, Döring, et al., 2024; Brown et al., 2021; Moynihan, Giannella, et al., 2022). A Danish survey experiment showed that bureaucratic language and complex information increase learning, compliance, and psychological costs (Baekgaard, Döring, et al., 2024). Citizens also struggle when fitting into state-defined categories or answering ambiguous questions on forms (Brown et al., 2021; Moynihan, Giannella, et al., 2022). Burden reduction strategies often focus on eliminating steps, simplifying processes, and improving communication (Benish et al., 2023). Nudges and low-cost interventions, like reframing information, show some promise (Cantarelli et al., 2024; Lasky-Fink & Linos, 2024; Moynihan, Giannella, et al., 2022). In a field experiment, Hopkins and Dorion (2024) found that using motivational frames with jobseekers in the WorkBC Program boosted website engagement but didn't increase enrollment. New direction for research and practice: experimenting with nudges and simple interventions to alleviate burdens. Removing burdens from official documents is challenging, emphasizing the need for testing simple interventions in real-world settings. Behavioral insights (BI) teams, such as Impact Canada, are testing ways to improve public program accessibility (Hopkins & Lawlor, 2023). While surveys and interviews offer insights into citizens' perceptions, field experiments provide the most credible impact evidence (Doberstein, 2017; Doberstein & Charbonneau, 2020; Hopkins & Lawlor, 2023). Field experiments are particularly suited to assess whether simple interventions targeting state actions (i.e., component 1 in the logic model) decrease the level of burden that individuals experience (i.e., component 2 in the logic model). However, scholar-practitioner collaboration faces challenges, including convincing decision-makers of behavioral interventions' value, accessing sensitive data, and managing expectations. Researchers often need to compromise on intervention details, design, or sample selection (Daigneault et al., Forthcoming). Digital government has transformed citizen-state interactions, with mixed effects on administrative burdens. While digitalization can reduce burdens (Kalucza & Sievert, 2024), it can also exacerbate them (Giest & Samuels, 2023; Peeters & Widlak, 2023; Widlak & Peeters, 2020). Digital burdens have three main sources: digital interactions, automated decisions, and data-assisted decision-making (Peeters, 2023). In Canada, Robson (2024) showed that insufficient infrastructural or “back-of-house” state capacity have exacerbated burdens for citizens in cases like automated tax-filing, e-payroll, and modernized benefits delivery software. Citizens navigating digital systems face information overload and lack of algorithmic transparency, increasing learning and psychological costs. In the UK's Universal Credit and the US Unemployment Insurance Program, dynamic benefit calculations and complex ICT automation have significantly raised costs and errors (Bennett et al., 2024; Young et al., 2024). Again, third-party actors can help alleviate these burdens (Giest & Samuels, 2023; Rode, 2024). For example, French social centers (NGOs) assist citizens with administrative processes and benefit access in a digitalized context (Rode, 2024). New direction for research: uncovering both the visible and invisible costs of digitalization for vulnerable citizens. Digitalization imposes hidden costs on citizens, especially when limited internet access, inadequate devices, and low digital literacy heighten the challenges of citizen-state interactions—often before they even begin (e.g., gathering information online, setting up accounts, obtaining passwords). These digital burdens compound other obstacles like complex bureaucratic language and individual characteristics (e.g., low education, poor mental health). Assessing their disproportionate impact on vulnerable groups, including immigrants and older adults, is crucial (Negoita et al., 2024; Safarov & Safarov, 2023). Qualitative methods are particularly effective for uncovering these hidden costs and the exclusionary dynamics they create. Multilevel governance and federalism introduce veto points and burdens, with accountability requirements complicating federally funded programs (Herd et al., 2023). For example, Argentina's Universal Child Allowance (AUH) requires birth certificates from local governments and identity documents from provincial authorities, increasing burdens for poorer applicants (Chudnovsky & Peeters, 2022). Similarly, Canada's two-step immigration system, where provinces select permanent residents, adds psychological costs for immigrants, such as stress and mental health issues (Schmidt et al., 2023). Bureaucratic navigation becomes more complex in fragmented systems with multiple organizations. Daigneault and Macé (2020) found that joint delivery between Québec's tax agency and the Ministry for Employment and Social Welfare created access challenges. Tarshish et al. (2023) noted that “passported benefits”—where eligibility for one benefit depends on another—can introduce burdens despite efforts to simplify access. Involving multiple actors amplifies burdens, even with private providers (Aiken et al., 2023; Barnes, 2020; Herd & Moynihan, 2023). For example, US rental assistance programs face a “double take-up challenge,” where landlords must agree to participate, accept voucher tenants, and secure housing authority approval, increasing applicants' burdens (Aiken et al., 2023). New directions for research and practice on institutional and administrative fragmentation: 1) mapping citizens' behavioral journeys; 2) investigating the burdens arising from federal-provincial programs. Citizens face numerous tasks—such as searching for eligibility requirements or preparing documents—before formal interactions with the state, often hidden from public view (Daigneault, 2024; NSW Behavioural Insights Unit, 2024). The cumulative costs at each step highlight the need for comprehensive assessments. Sludge audits are a promising tool for mapping these journeys (NSW Behavioural Insights Unit, 2024). It is crucial to explore how federal accountability requirements impact citizens in cost-sharing programs managed by provincial governments. These demands often “trickle down,” amplifying burdens at various points and disproportionately affecting vulnerable groups. Individual characteristics mediate the relationship between state actions and the burdens citizens experience, leading to their unequal distribution. Key drivers include human capital—individuals' knowledge, skills, and capabilities—and social capital (Christensen et al., 2020; Döring & Madsen, 2022; Gilad & Assouline, 2024). Administrative literacy—the ability to obtain, process, and understand information from public organizations (Döring, 2021)—can reduce these costs. Safarov and Safarov (2023) highlighted how low administrative literacy, digital literacy, and language proficiency create burdens for immigrants in Finland. Disadvantaged individuals, who need services most, are least likely to benefit and most likely to experience burdens (Chudnovsky & Peeters, 2022; Herd et al., 2023). Factors like low education, income, poor health, cognitive decline, and attention disorders further exacerbate these burdens (Martin et al., 2024; Negoita et al., 2024). Marginalized groups—affected by gender, race, class, or their intersections—often face disproportionately high burdens (Rocha Beardall et al., 2024; Herd & Moynihan, 2024; Parolin et al., 2023; Ray et al., 2022). New directions for research: investigating how specific characteristics interact to generate disproportionate burdens for vulnerable individuals, with a focus on administrative literacy. While the relationship between individual characteristics and burdens is well-documented, more research is needed on how these factors, combined with administrative literacy, contribute to social exclusion, particularly for disadvantaged groups. Investigating the interaction between characteristics like race, class, and gender, and their cumulative effect on administrative burdens, could offer deeper insights into inequality. Additionally, exploring how administrative literacy can mitigate these burdens presents a promising way to reduce social exclusion and improve access to state benefits for vulnerable key from the administrative burden First, and measurement focus on state actions (Baekgaard & Tankink, 2022; Daigneault, 2024; Jilke et al., 2023). While indirect measurement may be for (e.g., et al., 2023), this has the concept of administrative burden (Daigneault, 2024). such as Jilke et (2023) are but more are needed to subjective and (Daigneault, 2024). Daigneault (2024) burdens into and psychological both objective and subjective these is (Bennett et al., 2024; et al., 2024), is particularly for psychological costs, (Daigneault, 2024). Second, burdens are and and state interactions (Daigneault, 2024). This (e.g., gathering bureaucratic & Madsen, 2023), and psychological such as the (Schmidt et al., 2023). Burdens may also to for example, refugee sponsors experience burdens when et al., 2024). Burdens various and beyond bureaucratic to include as or of private can compound burdens (Martin et al., 2024). Third, governments are and reducing burdens through like Administrative New and (Daigneault, et al., 2024; Herd et al., 2023). However, these the of burdens citizens New directions for research and practice: of administrative burdens and and practitioners must measurement practices with the nature of burdens by using of and psychological costs, through and Additionally, collaboration between research and practices in public organizations can improve measurement more and burden within these organizations. The negative relationship between administrative burden and program take-up is (Daigneault, 2023; Halling & Baekgaard, 2023). Studies highlight the effects of learning, compliance, and psychological (e.g., Bell et al., 2023; et al., 2023; Tarshish & 2024). For example, Daigneault and Macé (2020) found that lack of program and rules non-take-up of Québec's to the as a of burdens has for and health et al., 2022; Holler et al., 2024; Parolin et al., 2023; & 2023). et al. also noted the impact on vulnerable in Medicaid and WIC programs, the on public organizations and the of the social New directions for research and practice: when and how to assist citizens in reducing burdens and improving While programs, and nudges can reduce assistance is often crucial (Herd et al., 2023). Field experiments are particularly for the relationship between individual experiences (i.e., component 2 in the logic model) and take-up (i.e., component In their review of field experiments on behavioral interventions at improving Daigneault et al. found that assistance impacts in most of the studies citizens' burdens with the state or parties by them navigate programs and requirements (Benish et al., 2023). Beyond assistance information and of autonomy, and (Benish et al., 2023). must be to specific delivery methods (e.g., and providers vs. for requires of non-take-up in public programs. on the of scholars like recent research the effects of administrative burdens, particularly their impact on citizens' political and (Halling & Baekgaard, 2023). state interactions can shape such as of & Mikkelsen, 2022), and in public authorities and the state (Benoit & Marier, 2024; Holler et al., 2024; & 2024). In Bell et al. (2024) of burdens didn't in but benefits to high burdens reduced highlighting with programs reduce for burdens among citizens and (Baekgaard et al., 2020; Halling et al., 2023). The level of administrative burden and how are constructed (see & also shape for programs & Miller, 2020; et al., 2021). citizens are in the face of burdens. In they by social and human or the system & 2021). In higher burdens often or with authorities & 2024). In Gilad and (2024) found that to social burdens reduced citizens' to suggesting or a they be New directions for research: exploring citizens' agency in navigating burdens. is a need to understand when and how citizens to and public This how resources like social and human bureaucratic and authority shape citizens' to with attention to marginalized groups. research is also needed on the strategies citizens to manage significant burdens. In this central and emerging on administrative burden and new directions for research and the field is and scholars to the challenges However, less about despite Canada's public service for and Herd et al. p. are to and They often create new rules and from bureaucratic and inertia, burden reduction efforts (Herd et al., 2023; Robson, 2024). organizations also in charged from the and the rather than (2024) highlighted a lack of accountability in Canada's federal public by an that Robson (2024) also noted that political often lack the information needed to understand and burdens or to public to in addressing these challenges, reducing administrative burdens and improving citizens' interactions with government services must a central policy that is for more and effective public service This funded by an from the Social and of Canada

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