Un análisis de la influencia de las fricciones de los campos no militares sobre las fricciones del campo militar presentes en la operación de rescate de rehenes "Chavín de Huántar".
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Las fricciones del campo político e informaciones ejercieron una influencia directa sobre las fricciones en el campo militar al permitir reducirlas y contribuir al éxito de la operación. El 16 de Diciembre de 1996, quinientos invitados, entre diplomáticos, empresarios y autoridades civiles y militares peruanas que asistían a la recepción en honor al nacimiento del Emperador Akihito en la residencia del Embajador Japonés en Lima, fueron secuestrados por catorce terroristas pertenecientes al Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru (MRTA), uno de los dos grupos terroristas más letales que aparecieron en Perú a mediados de los 80's. Durante ciento veintiséis días, esta "crisis de los rehenes," captó la atención mundial a través de más de dos mil periodistas que transmitían en tiempo real todos los acontecimientos que ocurrían alrededor de la embajada. La captura fue seguida por un largo proceso de conversaciones, formalizadas a través de la Comisión de Garantes bajo el marco del Acuerdo de Toronto en el que Perú reafirmaba ante la comunidad internacional su compromiso de hacer todos los esfuerzos para encontrar una salida pacífica a esta crisis y emplear la fuerza sólo en caso cuando se atente la integridad de los rehenes. Las negociaciones fueron afectadas periódicamente por amenazas de ejecuciones sumarias, amedrentamientos armados y exigencias imposibles por parte de los terroristas, lo que finalmente frustró cualquier solución pacífica. El 22 de Abril de 1997 y luego de que Néstor Cerpa, líder del MRTA dispusiera arbitrariamente restringir la visita médica a una vez por semana, afectando con ello los cuidados de salud que muchos rehenes, dada su avanzada edad recibían dentro de la residencia, el Presidente del Perú Alberto Fujimori, dio la orden para la ejecución de la opción militar que se preparaba en paralelo a la pacífica. En una milimétricamente planeada operación de fuerzas especiales, se rescató con vida a sesentaiún de los setenta y dos rehenes que aún permanecían cautivos. Dos heroicos comandos ofrendaron sus vidas y más de veinte quedaron seriamente heridos en la incursión. Por los impecables resultados obtenidos, es considerada como una de las más exitosas operaciones de rescate del mundo. Sin embargo, a lo largo de la crisis de los rehenes, los actores principales del campo político-diplomático y de informaciones evidenciaron un complejo juego de intereses por alcanzar sus objetivos, muchos de ellos opuestos con los de los otros actores. Estas confrontaciones se convirtieron en fricciones. La "fricción" es un concepto de la ciencia militar definido por Clausewitz que explica una infinidad de acciones oponentes de resistencia al buscar materializar lo planificado. Esta tesis determinará la real influencia de estas fricciones de los campos no militares sobre el campo militar y cuánto éstas contribuyeron para alcanzar el éxito final de la operación de rescate de rehenes "Chavín de Huántar."\n\n"An Analysis of the Influence that Friction in Non-Military Fields of Action had upon Military Friction in the Hostage Rescue Operation "Chavín de Huántar"\n\nBy LTC Ricardo A. Benavides Febres, Peruvian Army\n\nHow did the friction which took place in non-military fields of action influence the friction that occurred in the military arena during Operation "Chavín de Huántar"? The friction that occurred in the political and information arenas had a direct influence over friction in the military arena and success in these fields contributed to reduce overall friction and the success of the operation. \nOn 16 December 1996, five-hundred guests, including diplomats, entrepreneurs, military and civilian Peruvian officials that were present at a reception in honor of the birth of Emperor Akihito at the residence of the Japanese ambassador in Lima were kidnapped by fourteen terrorists belonging to the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru MRTA) one of the two most lethal terrorist groups that appeared in Peru in the mid 1980s. This "hostage crisis" captured the world's attention for one-hundred and twenty days and was covered by over two-hundred reporters who transmitted everything that occurred around the embassy in real time. The seizure was followed by a long process of conversations which took place through a Commission of Guarantors who operated under the framework of the Toronto Accord in which Peru assured the international community that it would do everything in its power to seek a peaceful resolution to this crisis and to use force only if the security of the hostages was felt to be threatened. Negotiations were periodically affected by the threat of summary execution, armed threats, and outrageous demands by the terrorists which finally frustrated any potential peaceful solution. On 22 April 1997, after Nelso Cerpa, the MRTA leader, restricted medical visits to once a week thus putting many elderly rebels at risk, Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori gave the order to execute the military option that had been prepared in parallel to peaceful courses of action. Sixty-one of seventy-two hostages that were still captive were freed in a very precise special operation. Two heroic commandos sacrificed their lives and more than twenty were wounded in the assault. This operation is now considered as one of the most successful hostage rescue operations in the world. However, throughout the hostage crisis the main actors in the politico-diplomatic field and the information field exhibited a complex interplay of initiatives in order to obtain their objectives, many of them in opposition to other actors. These confrontations resulted in friction. Friction, a concept defined by Clausewitz, is used in military science to explain a myriad of actions which cause resistance or "friction" when seeking to execute what has been planned. This thesis determines the real influence of the friction that occurs in non-military fields upon those that take place in the military arena and how minimizing these frictions contributed to the final success of the "Chavín de Huántar" hostage rescue operation.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.004 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.002 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.003 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.012 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".