Unseen wounds: the emotional impact of Italian Canadian internment and its long-term consequences

On June 10, 1940, when Italy declared war against Great Britain and France, by extension it had also declared war on Canada.When this occurred, Italian Canadians, some naturalized and others not, had been deemed "enemy aliens."Following the June 10 arrests, approximately 600 men were held in internment camps for weeks, months, and even years.This thesis aims to present a new perspective on the internment of Italian Canadians, moving away from current historiography that prioritizes a political discourse between those who advocate for the unjust treatment of Italians and those who support the actions of the Canadian government.Viewing internment as a political issue impedes our capacity to learn about the lives and experiences of the individuals involved.Instead, I focus on the emotional impact of internment, affecting not only the internees themselves but also their families and the broader Italian Canadian community.By utilizing emotions, this thesis examines the enduring consequences of internment, highlighting how these experiences continue to disrupt and affect individuals long after the events themselves.This thesis expands the discussion to include those often overlooked, such as the wives and children of internees.To achieve this, I've drawn upon interviews with internees, their spouses, children, grandchildren, and other family members. RésuméLe 10 juin 1940, lorsque l'Italie a déclaré la guerre à la Grande-Bretagne et à la France, elle a aussi, par la même occasion, déclaré la guerre au Canada.Dès lors, les Italo-Canadiens, certains naturalisés et d'autres non, ont été rebaptisés « étrangers ennemis » ou « sujets d'un pays ennemi».Après les arrestations du 10 juin, environ 600 hommes ont été détenus dans des camps d'internement pendant des semaines, des mois, voire des années.Cette thèse vise à présenter une nouvelle perspective sur l'internement des Italo-Canadiens qui s'éloigne de l'historiographie actuelle qui privilégie un discours politique entre ceux qui défendent le traitement injuste des Italiens et ceux qui soutiennent les actions du gouvernement Canadien.En effet, considérer l'internement comme étant exclusivement un problème politique nuit à notre capacité de comprendre la vie et l'expérience des personnes concernées.De mon côté, je me concentre plutôt sur l'impact émotionnel de l'internement, celui-ci touchant non seulement les internés eux-mêmes, mais aussi leurs familles et l'ensemble de la communauté Italo-Canadienne.Ayant recours aux émotions, cette thèse examine les conséquences durables de l'internement, soulignant la manière dont ces expériences continuent de perturber et d'affecter les individus longtemps après les événements.Cette thèse développe et diversifie la discussion pour inclure ceux qui ont souvent été négligés, tels que les épouses et les enfants des internés.Pour ce faire, je me suis basée sur des entrevues avec des internés, leurs épouses, leurs enfants, leurs petits-enfants et d'autres membres de leur famille.waterways froze.They arrived through the padrone system, which was introduced in the 1870s.The padrone system in Canada served as a mechanism to attract foreign labour to the Canadian markets.This system can be described as a contractual labour system in which the padrone served as an intermediary between immigrants and Canadian society.He supplied workers with work opportunities, food, clothes, shelter, a mailbox, and assisted in forwarding their payments back to their hometowns.4 According to Robert F. Harney, the initial padroni were hustlers and street entertainers, using children from impoverished rural areas in Italy as assistants, beggars, and apprentices.The word padrone referenced a master or boss.The decline in cases involving children was accompanied by a rise in abuses targeting adults.At his most exploitative level, the padrone would bring in contracted workers and profit from their labour.Furthermore, Harney acknowledges the difficulty in precisely defining padronism due to the diverse list of occupations involved.Notable examples of padronism include labour recruiters, immigrant bankers, steamship and travel agents, to mention only a few.Thus, the padrone is commonly associated with the archetype of bosses or labour agents who exploit workers.5 Finally, chain migration as defined by John S. and Leatrice D. MacDonald is a "movement in which prospective migrants learn of opportunities, are provided with transportation, and have initial accommodation and employment arranged by means of primary social relationships with previous migrants."6 Once in Canada, the combination of campanilismo, employment opportunities, and chain migration fostered an innate drive within immigrants to establish an ambiente that served as a 4 John Zucchi, Italians in Toronto: Development of a National Identity 1875-1935 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1988), 102. 5 Robert F. Harney, "The Padrone and the Immigrant," Canadian Review of American Studies 5, no. 2 (Fall 1974): 101-102, and 108.6 John S. and Leatrice D. MacDonald, "Chain Migration Ethnic Neighborhood Formation and Social Networks," The Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 42, no. 1 (January 1964): 82.safeguard against their unfamiliar surroundings.7 According to Harney, an ethnic neighbourhood is not simply a physical entity; "it was the ambiente of a social and cultural transition that was not at all identical with the process of assimilation."Harney stresses that immigrant neighbourhoods were "neither fossils of their Old World origins nor imperfect pathological varieties of the Angloconformity."However, their formation was influenced by three factors: the cultural background and abilities of migrants, the employment prospects available in North America during their arrival, and the perception of the receiving society and government.8 In reference to the ambiente, John Zucchi points out that the church, boarding houses, grocery and fruit stores, steamship agencies, and other physical structures were tangible signs that contributed to the development of Little Italies.9 The church held great importance in the community, serving as a visible representation of the neighbourhood's ambiente and played a role in social control.Another important institution was the Italian grocery store.The primary target market was Italians, with business transactions relying extensively on trust as a credit system was employed.The grocery store was also a point of ritrovo (a meeting place).Friends and paesani would come together after work to socialize and enjoy their free time, often playing card games.Thus, this trust and interaction contributed to the daily ambiente of Italian settlements.The boarding house also emphasizes these important characteristics.10 7 As explained by Rudolph J. Vecoli, campanilismo denotes an attachment to one's own village or town.The phrase suggests that the contadini's world was confined to the shadow of his campanile (bell tower).8 Robert F. Harney, "Ambiente and Social Class in North American Little Italies," in If One Were to Write a History: Selected Writing, ed.

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