Occupying the Land: Traditional Patterns of Land and Resource Ownership among First Peoples of British Columbia
Bibliographic record
Abstract
"A frequent misconception of early European settlers in what is now British Columbia was that the Aboriginal inhabitants were not really using most of the land, did not really 'occupy' very much of it, and held no real concepts of ownership for either the land or its resources. This perpsective was encouraged among the newcomers, who otherwise might have had to restrict their own desired occupation of the land and conform to existing codes of ownership. \n \n"In fact, First Peoples throughout the region had well developed concepts of territory, occupancy and proprietorship over lands and resources with firmly embedded protocols for resource use and distribution within and among families and communities. These concepts varied from one cultural group to another, and access to some areas and prime resources, like salmon streams and valuable root-digging and berry gathering areas, were more closely controlled than others. In all cases, however, traditional proprietorship was inextricably linked with responsibilities of the owners for stewardship and sharing of resources. \n \n"We provide examples of different cultural models of land and resource ownership, ranging from communal control of territory at the tribal level for Salishan peoples, to more specifically focused hereditary ownership and control of lands by clan chiefs, as practiced by the Nuu-Chah-Nulth, Kwakwaka'wakw, Haida, Nisga'a and other Northwest Coast peoples. The implications of these systems of ownership for resource sustainability are also discussed. The systems have been largely disrupted from the imposition of European law and property systems, but they still exist, and with new arrangements for land tenure deriving from treaty negotiations, they may be reinstated to some extent in the coming years. There is a good potential for improving contemporary resource management through incorporation of some of these traditional models of land tenure and use."
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.002 | 0.005 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.007 | 0.004 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.004 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.002 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.004 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".