Sexuality, migration and identity among gay Iranian migrants to the UK
Bibliographic record
Abstract
Homosexuality 1 is strictly forbidden in the Islamic Republic of Iran.It is punishable by imprisonment, flogging and, under certain circumstances, it carries the death penalty.Although homosexuality has long been a social taboo in Iranian society, the Islamic Revolution of 1979 introduced draconian judicial measures against this 'social ill'.There are thousands of non-heterosexual 2 people currently living in Iran -many of them remain socially invisible' to avoid persecution.The immense social stigma of homosexuality and danger of state-sponsored persecution, on the one hand, and the desire to 'live out' one's sexual identity, on the other, can potentially induce social and psychological dissonance with negative outcomes for well-being (Jaspal and Cinnirella, 2010).Many non-heterosexual Iranians seek ways out of Iran in pursuit of greater social and sexual freedom.For example, some individuals have utilised educational and vocational opportunities in the West in order to leave Iran -this has allowed exposure to different ways of thinking about their sexualities.Often migrants are joining sizeable Iranian communities around the world: for instance, there are over 120,000 Iranians living in Canada and some 70,000 Iranians currently living in the UK. 3 Migration can offer important opportunities for, and changes in, sexual identity development, as well as continued involvement in the Iranian ethno-national community.Scholars have attempted to understand and explain homophobia in the Islamic Republic.Accordingly, there has been some scholarly engagement with gender and sexuality (Gerami, 2003;Najmabadi, 2013), and homosexuality in the Islamic Republic (Afary, 2009; Najmabadi, 2005).Yet, this theoretical work has not been matched by empirical 1 The socio-legal and medicalised term 'homosexuality' is used here in accordance with the Iranian government's position which dichotomises sexual behaviour (heterosexual versus homosexual).2 In this chapter, the term "non-heterosexual" is used because it embraces the plethora of sexual identity labels that individuals tend to use in contrast to 'heterosexual'.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.002 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.002 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.002 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.005 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".