Why are Catholic Schools Afraid to be Catholic Schools?': Challenges to Leaders of Catholic Secondary Schools
Bibliographic record
Abstract
The population in the Republic of Ireland (hereafter, Ireland) has become increasingly \ndiverse over the past two decades. New demographics in terms of culture, language and \nbelief systems are enriching her once relatively homogeneous society and a school system \nwhich continues to reflect the country?s historic relationship with the Roman Catholic \nChurch. \nDuring penal times in Ireland, generally, schools for Catholics were forbidden until the \nRelief Acts of the late eighteenth century when Nano Nagle, Catherine McAuley and \nEdmund Rice, among others, began to establish schools for Catholic children. Following \nCatholic emancipation in 1829, Catholics sought to assert their new-found freedom and \nto establish schools which reflected their empowered sense of identity. This has resulted \nin the Roman Catholic Church being responsible for the patronage of 90% of primary \nschools and approximately 50% of post-primary (second-level) schools in the Republic \nof Ireland today. \nWhile the majority of the country?s population still identify as Roman Catholic, there has been \na rise in the number of people in Ireland declaring that they have no religion and an increase \nin those loosely attached to their Christian identity. The 2016 census highlights the decline in \nnumbers of people identifying as Roman Catholic, falling from 84.2% in 2011 to 78.3% in \n2016 (CSO 2017). While these figures are still high, religious practice rates, particularly \namong young people, have declined considerably. Mass attendance dropped from 91% in 1971 \nto 35% in 2012 according to some estimates (Ganiel, 2016). \nParents within minority faith groups and parents who wish for multi-denominational or \nsecular schooling for their children in Ireland are now seeking to establish primary and \nsecond-level schools which reflect their own identity and ethos, for which the Irish \nconstitution allows. However, educational provision has not yet caught up with \ndevelopments in Irish society. This has resulted in many Catholic schools welcoming a \ngrowing religiously and secularly diverse student body within their school communities, both \nenriching and posing challenges for the schools.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.019 | 0.025 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.005 | 0.006 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.008 | 0.002 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.039 | 0.030 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.003 | 0.002 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.003 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.022 | 0.020 |
| Research integrity | 0.003 | 0.024 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.020 | 0.026 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; both teacher heads agree on what is shown here.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".