MEETING THE HEALTH AND SOCIAL NEEDS OF MARRIED GIRLS IN INDIA: THE FIRST TIME PARENTS PROJECT'S IMPLEMENTATION AND REACH Background
Bibliographic record
Abstract
India has one of the largest populations of married adolescent girls in the world. In fact, one-half of 20-24 year-old females were married by age 18, and close to a quarter of 20-24 year-old females were married before their 15th birthday (IIPS and ORC Macro 2000). A number of social and economic disadvantages are associated with early marriage. Married girls in India typically have low levels of educational attainment, limited or even absent peer networks, restricted mobility and less access to mass media than boys or unmarried girls or married adult women (Santhya and Jejeebhoy 2006a). For example, 45 percent of ever-married adolescents compared to 24 percent of 20-24 year-old females married at 18 years or above were not regularly exposed to any media. In addition to these social disadvantages, girls who are married inevitably, and often promptly, face key reproductive health events. Most are regularly sexually active, and most are under pressure to have a first child. The evidence suggests that significant proportions of adolescents over one in five--give birth by age 17, the age below which obstetric risks appear to be particularly elevated. Yet married adolescents aged 18 or younger in India are significantly less likely than women aged 19-23 to use skilled delivery, or to fully immunize their children (Reynolds et al, 2006). Frequent and unprotected sex may also manifest as a risk of STI or HIV infection for married girls. A recent review of evidence reports that in a number of hospital-based, retrospective studies conducted among HIV positive women in India, a substantial proportion of infected women were young women whose only HIV risk factor was sex with their spouse (Santhya and Jejeebhoy 2006b). Despite the high prevalence of early marriage and the distinct and predictable risks these girls and young women face, little is known about the lives of married young women, and little has been done to support them.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.003 | 0.003 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.004 | 0.001 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.003 | 0.001 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.007 |
| Research integrity | 0.001 | 0.003 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.006 | 0.001 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".