‘Russian Chairmanship of the Arctic Council: The Awakening of a Giant'
Bibliographic record
Abstract
On May 20, 2021, the 12th Arctic Council Ministerial Meeting was held in Reykjavik, Iceland. The 2021 meeting had been anticipated by observers of the region as it marks the beginning of the rotating chairmanship for Russia. Moscow is heading the council for the second time since it was established in 1996.During this meeting, the Russian Federation introduced the agenda for its chairmanship of the Arctic Council. Continuing the Icelandic presidency’s objectives, Russia intends to pursue a pragmatic policy in the Arctic. In hopes of striking a balance between economic interests, environmental urgency, and the expected social policy requirements, Russia highlighted four priorities: the quality of life of Arctic communities, which are not limited to indigenous peoples; protection against the effects of climate change, in particular the thawing of permafrost; socio-economic cooperation between Arctic regions to boost the construction of resilient infrastructures; and finally, ensuring the stability of the Arctic Council and acting in favor of its development. During the meeting, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov reiterated Russia’s commitment to maintaining the efforts made over the past two years.In May 2019, for the first time in the forum’s history, the eight foreign ministers failed to agree on a joint statement during the ministerial meeting in Rovaniemi which brought the Finnish presidency to a close. U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo had strongly criticized Chinese activity in the polar region as well as the Canadian and Russian stances on sea crossings. Confronted with a Trump administration at odds with the consensual discourse of greater involvement in regional cooperation, Russia saw the opportunity to position itself as the leader of Arctic cooperation.While Russia is usually described as a threat in the Arctic, in the context of great economic ambitions and strategic tensions echoing the Cold War period, what stances can be expected from Moscow during this two-year presidency?
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.018 | 0.015 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.016 | 0.005 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.013 | 0.008 |
| Open science | 0.002 | 0.012 |
| Research integrity | 0.012 | 0.018 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.009 | 0.004 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".