Bibliographic record
Abstract
It is certain that the tribes of indigenous people in the North American West lived in and moved widely and freely over the North American borderlands, which provided an area for hunting, collecting, trading, and intercourse. In particular, the Cree and Chippewa were bound by a confederacy, the Nehiyaw Pwat, whose various bands and people often continued to meet and part as circumstances demanded. In the late 19th century, after the near extinction of the buffalo and after the 1885 failure of the North-West Resistance in the Canadian West, a band of Cree moved from Canadian soil to Montana, in the US, to chase game or escape the Canadian government. American citizens in Montana hated the Cree, calling them "dirty Canadian refugees" or "rebels" who would bring war and disease to the US territory. They forced them to be the poorest ethnic minority living the margins of mainstream white American society, without reservation, horses, food, clothes, or weapons, and they even deported them to Canada at one time. Given this, it seems odd that a band of Chippewa, who moved to Montana around the same time the Cree did, was considered a group of American Indians by the federal government while the Cree were not. In the early 20th century, these "American" Chippewa and "Canadian" Cree were integrated into the US federal system with Indian sovereignty and the official recognition of the US government as a Native American tribe, the Chippewa-Cree, settled at the Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation. Examining this case, we can see how and why indigenous people of the borderlands were integrated into or excluded from the US. We can also see how indigenous groups worked to maintain their existing societies, such as Nehiyaw Pwat, in limited parcels called reservations. Using this information, we can precisely understand the dynamic transformation from indigenous peoples' societies, which functioned well, to the modern indigenous sovereignty within Western federal states.
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame machine prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. The Gemma side is a direct model label for every work in the frame, read from the title-only record. The Codex side is a classifier learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and calibrated to design-weighted sample rates; fields without enough sample support carry no Codex call. Candidate is the union of the two sides; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels.
Distilled classifier scores by category (both heads)
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.001 | 0.001 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.010 | 0.010 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.006 | 0.003 |
| Open science | 0.000 | 0.002 |
| Research integrity | 0.002 | 0.003 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.023 | 0.005 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one source (direct Gemma or distilled Codex), not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".