How Much Private Schooling Is Bad for the Public? in Apportioning Public versus Private Schooling, Governments Must Consider the Evidence of Equity in Educational Outcomes That Such Systems Produce
Bibliographic record
Abstract
One of the most contentious issues in education policy is the role of the private sector. Defenders of public education--and I count myself as one--often see private schools as inimical to a strong public education. The worry is that a large private sector will lead to segregation on socioeconomic or other lines as those who can afford it leave the public system, and those in most need are left to attend the weakest schools. The concern is even sharper where profit-making schools are introduced into the equation because of an additional concern that the desire for profit will lead to cutting corners either on quality or on the facilities that students attend. The role of private education has gained much prominence in the international development world as well, largely due to the World Bank's promotion of public-private partnerships as a way to provide education in poor countries. Critics of the Bank argue that this represents a blind faith in market principles, rather than being a position grounded in strong empirical evidence. Positions on these issues are often deeply held, so can be real flash points for political argument. A look at the different ways that private school provision is organized around the world shows how complex these issues are, and how difficult it is to generalize about the nature of private education. Countries vary enormously in the size of their private sector, who attends, how it is organized, how it is financed, and how it is regulated. In some countries, private schools are only a small portion of enrollment; in other countries, quite a large one. In some places, private schools are quite closely regulated; in others, hardly at all. In some countries, private schools--or at least many of them--are funded about equally with public schools, but in other cases at a much lower level or not at all. In some places, private schools are largely for the well-to-do but, in other places, they're for students who can't get into the public schools they want. Consider some examples The Netherlands allows virtually any group to start and govern a school, and all schools are funded by the government using the same formula. A large number of Dutch students go to schools organized by a religious group, an ethnic group, or a group committed to a particular educational approach. But all schools are required to hire qualified staff, follow a common curriculum, and report publicly on the status and progress of their students. In Korea, virtually all students attend public schools, but nearly 70% of them also attend a parallel system of private study schools, called hagwon, after regular school hours. The hagwon may vary greatly in cost and quality; they are seen to play an important role in preparing students for the exams that determine entry to postsecondary education. The Korean government has made many efforts to reduce the importance of the hagwon but with little success. Australia has three sets of schools--public, Catholic, and independent (or private). Public schools are primarily funded and operated by the state governments, but the federal government provides substantial funding to Catholic and independent schools, which have taken an increasing share of the student population in secondary schools, especially in cities. Catholic and independent schools have to follow some, but not all, of the rules governing public schools, such as qualified staff and participation in national testing. There is clear evidence in Australia that the most disadvantaged students are most likely to be in public schools, and a recent report urged state governments to invest more in the public system to reduce widening inequalities. In Canada, though all provinces have some private schools, the rules differ in each province. Most provinces fund private schools at a reduced level from public schools, though Ontario, the largest province, provides no funds to private schools and does not regulate them except in relation to awarding high school diplomas. …
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How this classification was reachedexpand
Full frame distilled prediction
Teacher imitationNot calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.
Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category
| Category | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Metaresearch | 0.003 | 0.011 |
| Meta-epidemiology (narrow) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Meta-epidemiology (broad) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Bibliometrics | 0.000 | 0.001 |
| Science and technology studies | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Scholarly communication | 0.001 | 0.002 |
| Open science | 0.001 | 0.000 |
| Research integrity | 0.000 | 0.000 |
| Insufficient payload (model declined to judge) | 0.000 | 0.000 |
Machine scores (provisional)
The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.
Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from itClassification
machine, unvalidatedMachine predicted; a candidate call from one teacher head, not a consensus.
How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".