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Enregistrement W101029637 · doi:10.1353/tmr.2011.0009

Algeria and Russia: Reconciling Contrasting Interests

2011· article· en· W101029637 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Yahia H. Zoubir

Notice bibliographique

Revue˜The œMaghreb review/Maghreb review · 2011
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineArts and Humanities
ThématiqueHistorical and Contemporary Political Dynamics
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésPeasantIndependence (probability theory)EmpireAllianceColonialismNationalismPower (physics)Ancient historyPolitical scienceFront (military)Foreign policyTerritorial integrityAnnexationEconomic historyHistoryLawSovereigntyPoliticsGeography

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

The Maghreb Review, Vol. 36, 2, 2011 © The Maghreb Review 2011 This publication is printed on longlife paper ALGERIA AND RUSSIA: RECONCILING CONTRASTING INTERESTS BY YAHIA H. ZOUBIR∗ Introduction Algeria’s encounter with Russia dates back to the Emir Abdelkader during his exile in Syria. The archives of the foreign policy of the Russian empire hold some documents and correspondence that mention the ‘noble and humane attitude’ of Emir Abd-el-Kader in the events that took place in Damascus in June 1860, when he and his associates took the courageous defence and saved the lives of 12,000 innocent Christian victims. The vice-consul of the Russian empire in Damascus, Mr Maleekeff, took refuge in the emir’s house along with other consuls and was thus assured protection.1 Relations between Algeria and the Russian-dominated USSR developed laboriously during the Algerian war of independence (1954–62). The Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) maintained relatively good relations with the Soviets throughout the 1950s; however, despite the cordial relations, both sides were suspicious of each other. The Soviets were still courting France, the colonial power in Algeria, hoping that it could become an ally in Europe. Furthermore, they were rather suspicious of the peasant-based, anticommunist membership of the FLN, especially at a time of Soviet mistrust of Arab neutralism. For their part, Algerian nationalists were aware that the Soviets were playing on two fronts: tactful support for a nationalist movement when convenient, while seeking potential alliance with France, particularly under Charles de Gaulle’s rule, to thwart US hegemony in the continent. The nationalist leaders were aware that Soviet support was precarious, for, should France decide to take a course more congenial to the USSR’s, the Algerian cause would be relegated to a much less important position. The realist FLN leadership understood that the Soviets would encourage a solution within the framework of French–Algerian relations to bar the United States from supplanting France in Algeria.This explains why, unlike the Chinese, who recognized the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) three months after it was proclaimed in September 1958, the Soviets extended a mere de facto recognition only in October 1960.2 Despite their constraints, that is, the ∗ Euromed Marseille Ecole de Management 1 Embassy of the Federal Republic of Russia to Algiers, ‘Les relations russo-algériennes avant la conquête de l’Indépendence de l’Algérie’, available at http://www.ambrussie.gov.dz/relav.htm (accessed 10 January 2011). 2 For a detailed analysis, see Yahia H. Zoubir, ‘U.S. and Soviet policies towards France’s struggle with anticolonial nationalism in North Africa,’ Canadian Journal of History/Annales d’Histoire Canadiennes, Vol. 30, No. 3 (December 1995), pp. 439–66. 100 YAHIA H. ZOUBIR search for détente with France, the Soviets did nonetheless help, albeit cautiously, the Algerian nationalists. Unlike the other members, they voted in favour of the inclusion of the Algerian question at the United Nations Security Council. They also provided, though indirectly, material assistance to the FLN. Thus, due to the material and political support they provided, the Soviets succeeded in gaining the friendship of the Algerian nationalists despite the USSR’s détente with the colonial power. The pattern of Russia and postindependence Algeria pursuing contrasting interests continued throughout the cold war era. With the end of the cold war and with both countries undergoing dramatic transformations, Algeria’s relations with Russia became insignificant; however, since 1999, for different reasons, both countries have developed closer ties, which, as shall be seen, highlight the same pattern: the two would cooperate very closely in areas where their interests overlap but would pursue separate, conflicting and selfish interests when those interests do not serve one or the other’s. Although Algeria and the USSR had a close political and military relationship from Algeria’s independence in 1962 until the close of the 1980s, relations between the former and the Russian Federal Republic are only a decade long. In this article, I will first provide a brief review of Algeria’s relations with the USSR in order to underscore the fact that Russia had an important presence, but also that the...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesMéta-épidémiologie (sens strict), Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesCharge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Synthèse · Signal consensuel: Synthèse
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,922
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0010,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,001
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0010,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,001
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0040,001

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,100
Tête enseignante GPT0,245
Écart entre enseignants0,145 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; les deux têtes enseignantes s’accordent sur ce qui est montré ici.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreSynthèse

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations2
Publié2011
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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