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Record W101029637 · doi:10.1353/tmr.2011.0009

Algeria and Russia: Reconciling Contrasting Interests

2011· article· en· W101029637 on OpenAlexaboutno aff
Yahia H. Zoubir

Bibliographic record

Venue˜The œMaghreb review/Maghreb review · 2011
Typearticle
Languageen
FieldArts and Humanities
TopicHistorical and Contemporary Political Dynamics
Canadian institutionsnot available
Fundersnot available
KeywordsPeasantIndependence (probability theory)EmpireAllianceColonialismNationalismPower (physics)Ancient historyPolitical scienceFront (military)Foreign policyTerritorial integrityAnnexationEconomic historyHistoryLawSovereigntyPoliticsGeography

Abstract

fetched live from OpenAlex

The Maghreb Review, Vol. 36, 2, 2011 © The Maghreb Review 2011 This publication is printed on longlife paper ALGERIA AND RUSSIA: RECONCILING CONTRASTING INTERESTS BY YAHIA H. ZOUBIR∗ Introduction Algeria’s encounter with Russia dates back to the Emir Abdelkader during his exile in Syria. The archives of the foreign policy of the Russian empire hold some documents and correspondence that mention the ‘noble and humane attitude’ of Emir Abd-el-Kader in the events that took place in Damascus in June 1860, when he and his associates took the courageous defence and saved the lives of 12,000 innocent Christian victims. The vice-consul of the Russian empire in Damascus, Mr Maleekeff, took refuge in the emir’s house along with other consuls and was thus assured protection.1 Relations between Algeria and the Russian-dominated USSR developed laboriously during the Algerian war of independence (1954–62). The Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) maintained relatively good relations with the Soviets throughout the 1950s; however, despite the cordial relations, both sides were suspicious of each other. The Soviets were still courting France, the colonial power in Algeria, hoping that it could become an ally in Europe. Furthermore, they were rather suspicious of the peasant-based, anticommunist membership of the FLN, especially at a time of Soviet mistrust of Arab neutralism. For their part, Algerian nationalists were aware that the Soviets were playing on two fronts: tactful support for a nationalist movement when convenient, while seeking potential alliance with France, particularly under Charles de Gaulle’s rule, to thwart US hegemony in the continent. The nationalist leaders were aware that Soviet support was precarious, for, should France decide to take a course more congenial to the USSR’s, the Algerian cause would be relegated to a much less important position. The realist FLN leadership understood that the Soviets would encourage a solution within the framework of French–Algerian relations to bar the United States from supplanting France in Algeria.This explains why, unlike the Chinese, who recognized the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) three months after it was proclaimed in September 1958, the Soviets extended a mere de facto recognition only in October 1960.2 Despite their constraints, that is, the ∗ Euromed Marseille Ecole de Management 1 Embassy of the Federal Republic of Russia to Algiers, ‘Les relations russo-algériennes avant la conquête de l’Indépendence de l’Algérie’, available at http://www.ambrussie.gov.dz/relav.htm (accessed 10 January 2011). 2 For a detailed analysis, see Yahia H. Zoubir, ‘U.S. and Soviet policies towards France’s struggle with anticolonial nationalism in North Africa,’ Canadian Journal of History/Annales d’Histoire Canadiennes, Vol. 30, No. 3 (December 1995), pp. 439–66. 100 YAHIA H. ZOUBIR search for détente with France, the Soviets did nonetheless help, albeit cautiously, the Algerian nationalists. Unlike the other members, they voted in favour of the inclusion of the Algerian question at the United Nations Security Council. They also provided, though indirectly, material assistance to the FLN. Thus, due to the material and political support they provided, the Soviets succeeded in gaining the friendship of the Algerian nationalists despite the USSR’s détente with the colonial power. The pattern of Russia and postindependence Algeria pursuing contrasting interests continued throughout the cold war era. With the end of the cold war and with both countries undergoing dramatic transformations, Algeria’s relations with Russia became insignificant; however, since 1999, for different reasons, both countries have developed closer ties, which, as shall be seen, highlight the same pattern: the two would cooperate very closely in areas where their interests overlap but would pursue separate, conflicting and selfish interests when those interests do not serve one or the other’s. Although Algeria and the USSR had a close political and military relationship from Algeria’s independence in 1962 until the close of the 1980s, relations between the former and the Russian Federal Republic are only a decade long. In this article, I will first provide a brief review of Algeria’s relations with the USSR in order to underscore the fact that Russia had an important presence, but also that the...

Fetched live from OpenAlex and de-inverted. Abstracts are not stored in this database: the inverted indexes are 8.6 GB of the frame’s 9.3 GB of text, and the host has 13 GB free.

How this classification was reachedexpand

Full frame distilled prediction

Teacher imitation

Not calibrated prevalence, not ground truth. Human validation pending. Learned from the 10,348 direct Codex labels and 10,348 direct Gemma labels. Candidate is the union of thresholded teacher heads; consensus is their intersection. These outputs are machine_predicted_unvalidated and are not human labels or direct frontier model labels.

metaresearch head score (Codex)0.001
metaresearch head score (Gemma)0.000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aValidation status: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Candidate categoriesMeta-epidemiology (narrow), Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)
Consensus categoriesInsufficient payload (model declined to judge)
DomainCandidate signal: none · Consensus signal: none
Study designCandidate signal: Not applicable · Consensus signal: none
GenreCandidate signal: Review · Consensus signal: Review
Teacher disagreement score0.922
Threshold uncertainty score1.000

Codex and Gemma teacher scores by category

CategoryCodexGemma
Metaresearch0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (narrow)0.0010.000
Meta-epidemiology (broad)0.0010.000
Bibliometrics0.0000.000
Science and technology studies0.0010.001
Scholarly communication0.0000.000
Open science0.0010.000
Research integrity0.0000.001
Insufficient payload (model declined to judge)0.0040.001

Machine scores (provisional)

The two teacher heads of the student model, read on this work. A score orders the frame for review; it never asserts a category, and the validation status ships verbatim with every row.

Baseline scores from an immature model (maturity gate not passed, 7 training rounds). Scores rank; they never assert a category.

Opus teacher head0.100
GPT teacher head0.245
Teacher spread0.145 · how far apart the two teachers sit on this one work
Validation statusscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · verbatim from the scoring run: score_only means the number may rank works, and no category label ships from it

Classification

machine, unvalidated

Machine predicted; both teacher heads agree on what is shown here.

Study designNot applicable
Domainnot available
GenreReview

How this classification was reached, model by model and score by score, is at the end of the page under "How this classification was reached".

Quick stats

Citations2
Published2011
Admission routes1
Has abstractyes

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