Hey Chico! The Latin Identity in Major League Baseball
Pourquoi ce travail est dans la base
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Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Felipe Alou had no real, hands-on knowledge of the United States nor of the culture of its people. Like so many others who had ventured there, most of what he knew had been translated through friends, some of whom had visited the great colossus to the north. Alou knew that the United States had played considerable role in the history of his own country, the Dominican Republic. And while some aspects of American foreign policy had served his country well, generally speaking there existed feeling among Dominicans that American aims were generally opportunistic, aggressive, and hostile and that its representatives were condescending. But glamour also shrouded America. The enormity of opportunity found there--opportunity earned through hard work and perseverance--seemed infinite. Little wonder that in spring 1956, Alou felt torn between excitement and apprehension upon his arrival from Hiana, his home in the Dominican Republic, to the Giants' spring training facility, then in Melbourne, Florida. was unique sensation to realize that I was in land I had heard so much about but which held not single known friend, he recalled. Analogous to Alou's experience, historian Oscar Handlin, in his 1951 Pulitzer Prize--winning book, The Uprooted, spoke of nineteenth-century immigrants in the same vein: Loneliness had . . . the painful depth of isolation. The man who once had been surrounded with individual beings was [in America] cast adrift in life empty of all personal things. (1) Moreover, within the North American milieu, the individual's identity was greatly tempered. In the Dominican Republic, Alou had been someone. There he was coveted baseball player and track star bound for the Olympics. But in the United States, his identity was virtually nonexistent to those beyond his world. As tonic to his plight, Alou triggered his national spirit to fuel the precious identity needed in his quest for direction in the America. National identity meant everything to those who came to the United States long before Alou's arrival, particularly those emotionally torn between the present and the past. Apart from the popular perception that people who immigrated into America longed to set up residence here, arrival was usually accompanied with begrudging defiance of change. They pushed me into America, wrote young Jewish newcomer in 1881--they being the forces of oppression found in his homeland. (2) To the immigrant of that era, journey to America often meant despair. One such observer recalled that a person gone to America was exactly like person dead.... The whole community turned out, and marched in slow time to the station, and wept loudly and copiously. (3) The separation from home, heritage, and familiar values enhanced the insecurities. Indeed, today's evils, by their nearness, are far more oppressive than yesterday's which, after all, were somehow survived, Handlin wrote of an immigrant's longing for the Old World. Yesterday, by its distance, acquires happy glow. (4) By their very nature, heritage and tradition also provided identity. One's heritage was the one thing that made sense to newcomers. It was their badge of honor. Never mind that famine, persecution, economic plight, or class struggle was their ticket to America. National identity was the one constant in their lives; it was not negotiable. Little wonder that figure such as Mike Sullivan, who in 1850 came to America as member of the potato famine herd, was, according to historian Michael T. Isenberg, militantly Irish. (5) And that his son, John Lawrence, upon fighting his way to national fame in the late nineteenth century, became lighting rod for the Irish ethnics, who boldly displaye d the shamrock alongside Old Glory at each bout. But not all nineteenth-century newcomers felt as militant about their national identity as did the earlier arrivals. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,215 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle