No Place to Go: Local Histories of the Battered Women’s Shelter Movement (review)
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Reviewed by: No Place to Go: Local Histories of the Battered Women’s Shelter Movement Suzanne Morton (bio) Nancy Janovicek. No Place to Go: Local Histories of the Battered Women’s Shelter Movement. UBC Press. x, 172. $32.95 This is a pioneering study of the battered women’s shelter movement in Canada in the 1970s and 1980s and a useful addition to the emerging scholarship on Second Wave Feminism in Canada. Second Wave Feminism focused on ‘the politics of the body,’ linking ‘women’s equality with reproductive rights and safety from male violence.’ One of the local, community-based responses of feminists was the establishment of shelters and transition houses to assist and support abused women. Janovicek explores how these facilities brought activists into contact with bureaucrats at various levels of government and non-feminist voluntary organizations. Janovicek’s strategy was to focus on small cities and rural communities where women may have had fewer options. She takes the reader to Thunder Bay and Kenora, Ontario, Nelson, British Columbia, and Moncton, New Brunswick, through a skilful use of oral history and institutional/organizational records. She is attentive to differences based on class, race, and sexual orientation and provides a complex and nuanced portrait of these institutions rooted in time and place. The decision to focus on two communities in Northwestern Ontario highlights the particular position of Aboriginal women who were caught between racism, the legacy of colonialism, and the legal restrictions of the Indian Act, which limited where women could live and maintain their status. The strategy of locating this study in four specific communities also highlights the importance of place in shaping opportunities and challenges. The women here are not small-town conservatives but rather often effective, pragmatic actors set on achieving concrete goals and frequently placed [End Page 404] in the position of having to collaborate with people with different political positions. Although Janovicek explains the importance of examining transition houses and shelters at the local level, there is no explicit discussion of why these particular communities were chosen. The decision to explore two communities in Northwestern Ontario is curious, as the experience of First Nations women would also have been seen in a Prairie example. The decision to overlook Quebec also leaves open the question of what was happening at the local level there. Finally, by coincidence, I read No Place to Go immediately after rereading the new edition of Brian Vallee’s Life with Billy (Key Porter 1986, 2008), the tragic story of a rural Nova Scotian woman, Jane Hurshman, who lacked any escape from an abusive domestic relationship, killed her common-law husband, and was subsequently acquitted by jury of his murder. It was a sobering reminder of how poorly served most rural areas were into the 1990s. While facilities existed in the communities examined here, many rural women like Jane Hurshman still had no place to go. Notwithstanding these absences, No Place to Go demonstrates that the ambitious efforts to provide safe housing for women fleeing abusive relations had consequences beyond immediate practical support for individual women in crisis. The shelter and transition house movement helped to change public attitudes toward domestic violence and made possible legislative changes to protect vulnerable women. Suzanne Morton Suzanne Morton, Department of History, McGill University Copyright © 2009 University of Toronto Press Incorporated
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction machine sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.
Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,002 | 0,007 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,005 | 0,013 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,003 | 0,003 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,019 | 0,003 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».