The Changing Faces of Canada: Images of Canada in<i>National Geographic</i>
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
National Geographic's Canada is a place we are all familiar with. Whether through a subscription of our own, or issues found in a school library, or perhaps flipping through magazine in a doctor's waiting room, most of us have seen Canada in its pages. And many amongst us would confess a guilty secret: that when we read National Geographic, we really only look at pictures. This essay takes such reading as its subject. Rather than dismissing magazine because it is known primarily for its photographic content, this essay takes a serious look at pictorial representation of Canada in National Geographic. (1) It examines how this influential magazine portrayed Canada in 1960s--the decade of Canada's centenary--and compares this image to that of past decade--the 1990s. By seeking to freeze picture of Canada in two separate decades, this method allows for identification and quantification of distinct themes. And this, in turn, raises all-important question of cultural as sumptions of National Geographic's editors, as they made decisions about which photographs best conveyed Canada's distinct identity. At a deeper level, this essay is about American perceptions of Canada, and how these perceptions have changed in second half of twentieth century. Recent developments in history of popular culture indicate that National Geographic, precisely because of its enormous popularity, is perhaps one of most important sources of information on Canada available to American public. Because of National Geographic Society's stature as a research institution, it is easy to assume that Society's magazine somehow presents an accurate, scientific portrayal of America's giant neighbor to north. Catherine Lutz and Jane Collins, in Reading National Geographic, demonstrated how--through editorial policy, choice of themes, use of color, and photo composition--the editors have presented a certain culturally constructed view of third world countries. The challenge, they argue, has been for National Geographic to make a distant culture seem at once strange and familiar to American audiences. But how has this formidable institution treated Canada? Canada, for most part, is a country that Americans don't think about a lot. When they do, th ey tend to think of it as America's back yard--as a kind of bigger, emptier, more natural and more polite version of United States, peopled by lumberjacks, Mounties, ballerinas, hockey players and smiling Inuit. And Canada, a large, North American country whose inhabitants are mainly of European descent, is like United States in many ways. So challenge for National Geographic has been to convince Americans of Canada's unique, i.e. non-American identity. (2) Lutz and Collins argue that editors of National Geographic were concerned that third world societies come across as different, but not so exotic as to be too different. They describe many ways in which editorial policy determined that images of the other be just sufficiently and aesthetically pleasing, to appeal to American audiences, and to project the ideal of happy life. (3) ft is main contention of this paper that when it came to characterizing Canadian society, editors faced opposite challenge: concern that Canadian society might come across as too similar to United States. Theirs, then, was not an attempt to familiarize exotic, but an attempt to exoticize familiar. (4) Ironically, same strategies that Lutz and Collins identified that served to familiarize exotic could also serve to exoticize familiar. This essay will examine how National Geographic exoticized Canada in 1 960s, and compare this to how it exoticized Canada in th e 1990s. In doing so, we shall reveal how editors' assumptions about Canada's evolving identity have changed in subtle and sometimes not-so-subtle ways. …
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Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,002 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».