Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Neighborhoods and whole cities are increasingly being designed with a broadband telecommunications infrastructure that provides access to the Internet and other information and communication technologies (ICTs) (for example CityPlace, Toronto, Canada; Arabianranta, Helsinki, Finland; Kenniswijk, Eindhoven, the Netherlands; and Playa Vista, California, U.S.A.).This access has ignited a debate into the nature of community and the effects of cyberspace on social relationships.On the one side, technological dystopians argue that in an information society where work, leisure and social ties are all maintained from the "smart house," people could completely reject the need for social relationships based on physical location.While on the other side, technological utopians argue that the Internet has created a whole new form of community, the "virtual community," which frees the individual from the restraints of geography and social characteristics like gender, race, and ethnicity.What this "either or debate," arguing community either to be lost or recreated, fails to recognize, is that community has long been freed from geography, and that new ICTs may hold as much promise of reconnecting us to communities of place as they do in liberating us from them.For the most part, "community" still refers to neighborhood.Yet most of the social support, and much of the information and resources that people require to function in their day-to-day lives, comes from sources outside of the local setting (Fischer 1982; Wellman Carrington and Hall 1988).Cities are extremely heterogeneous, residents are highly mobile, and people regularly come in contact with diverse others in a variety of social settings.As suggested by Fischer (1975) in his "subcultural theory," individuals in an urban environment are not limited to those who are close at hand, but seek out social ties based on shared interest and mutual identification.While this does not exclude the possibility that people can form social ties based on shared place, it does suggest that similarity of interest is more important in forming relations than similarity of setting.When one defines communities as sets of informal ties of sociability, support and identity, they are rarely neighborhood solidarities or even densely-knit groups of kin and friends.Communities consist of far-flung kinship, workplace, interest group and neighborhood ties that together form a social network that provides aid, support, social control and links to multiple milieus.Within these personal communities people use multiple methods of communication: direct in-person contact, telephone, postal mail, and more recently fax, email, chats, and email discussion groups.Looking for community in one place at one time (be it in neighborhoods or in cyberspace) is an inadequate means of revealing supportive community relations.Indeed, "community without propinquity" is hardly a new concept, but it is one that is often neglected (Webber 1963).The creation of a whole new type of community, the "virtual community," has done much to highlight the potential for communities to form beyond the confines of geographic space (Rheingold 1993).Technological utopians have found community in cyberspace.Largely anecdotal evidence emphasizes the ability of computer networks to connect people across time and space in strong supportive relationships, blindly extending beyond characteristics of ethnicity, religion or Planning Theory & Practice 3(2), 228-231.2002.
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction machine sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.
Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,003 | 0,004 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,002 | 0,002 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,007 | 0,034 |
| Communication savante | 0,008 | 0,008 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,011 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,012 | 0,001 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».