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Enregistrement W2126164926 · doi:10.1353/esc.2007.0032

Twenty-first Century Global Sex Trafficking: Migration, Capitalism, Class, and Challenges for Feminism Now

2005· article· en· W2126164926 sur OpenAlexvenueaboutno aff
Marjorie Stone

Notice bibliographique

RevueEnglish studies in Canada · 2005
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueSex work and related issues
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésGirlFeminismGender studiesCapitalismSociologySex traffickingHistoryLawPolitical scienceCriminologyPsychologyPoliticsHuman trafficking

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Twenty-first Century Global Sex Trafficking:Migration, Capitalism, Class, and Challenges for Feminism Now Marjorie Stone (bio) There were so many young girls in there. They were from Moldova, Romania, Ukraine and Bulgaria. Some were crying. Others looked terrified. We were told not to speak to each other.…All the time, very mean and ugly men came in and dragged girls into rooms. Sometimes they would rape girls in front of us. They yelled at them, ordering them to move in certain ways … to pretend excitement … Those who resisted were beaten. If they did not cooperate, they were locked in dark cellars with rats or no food and water for three days. One girl refused to submit to anal sex, and that night the owner brought in five men. They held her on the floor and every one of them had anal sex on her in front of all of us. She screamed and screamed, … In a chapter on "The Breaking Grounds" in The Natashas: The New Global Sex Trade (2003), Canadian journalist Victor Malarek interviews a young woman named Sophia describing how trafficked women and girls were "broken in" for service in the sex trade in Kosovo. Initially Sofia thinks, "I will fight back," then watches as another woman who does resist is burned with cigarettes "all over her arms," "attacked … anally," and beaten unconscious until she is "no longer breathing. There was no worry on the faces [End Page 31] of the owners. They simply carried her out" (33–34). Trafficking in human beings is "now the third-largest moneymaking venture in the world, after illegal weapons and drugs," Malarek observes (4). A 2005 International Labour Organization report estimates that among the 8.1 million persons in forced labour by private agents and enterprises globally (excluding those coerced by states, the army, or rebel military groups), 2.5 million are trafficked. Of these more than half, 1.4 to 1.7 million, are "in forced commercial sexual exploitation" ranging along a continuum from debt bondage and intimidation to incarceration, rape, terrorism, and torture.1 Despite the measures thus far taken by NGOs such as the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW), the UN (through its 2000 Palermo Protocol against trafficking), the European Union, and by various governments, sex trafficking is not declining but is growing in scope, sophistication, and invisibility, as Paolo Monzini and Marco Gramenga, among many others, document.2 Driven by global inequities, growing numbers of migrants working in the sex industry, and structural readjustments in the developing world, the former Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe, sex trafficking is also increasingly networked with the drug trade, the trade in human organs, prostitution networks, internet pornography, mail-order bride operations, and sex tourism.3 Minors are also increasingly among those exploited, like the children trafficked back and forth across the Mexican–U.S. border described by Peter Landesman in a January 2004, New York Times story.4 Malarek and Monzini both note that, notwithstanding progressive human rights initiatives, the UN and the U.S. have themselves substantially contributed to trafficking through the ineffectual regulation of peace-keeping troops in places such as Bosnia or the effects of military bases in Asia.5 While the U.S. initiation of its State [End Page 32] Department's annual "Traffic in Person" audit in 2000 created measures to counteract trafficking by ranking countries according to their success in regulating it, Malarek notes that the effectiveness of the TIP audits has increasingly been hollowed out by the political reasons seeming to govern the movement of countries from the lower ranks of Tier Three—for countries not meeting or attempting to meet minimal standards in counteracting trafficking—to Tier One, for countries said to be in full compliance with "minimum standards" (187).6 Nor does the U.S. State Department "consider that the vast majority of men using trafficked women either at home or outside their borders are from the … well-heeled nations sitting smugly on Tier One" (Malarek 205). Sex and forced labour trafficking in its more extreme forms is the slave trade of the twenty-first century and arguably the greatest human rights challenge we may now face...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Qualitatif · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,663
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,671

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,029
Tête enseignante GPT0,290
Écart entre enseignants0,261 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeQualitatif
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations11
Publié2005
Routes d'admission2
Résumé présentoui

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