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Enregistrement W2208812177 · doi:10.1177/002070200806300320

Courting War over a Rubber Stamp

2008· article· en· W2208812177 sur OpenAlexaffabout
Daniel Macfarlane

Notice bibliographique

RevueInternational Journal Canada s Journal of Global Policy Analysis · 2008
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueMilitary and Defense Studies
Établissements canadiensUniversity of Ottawa
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésPolitical scienceComputer securityPolitical economyEconomicsComputer science

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

The establishment of the Berlin Wall was one of the seminal moments of the Cold War. Not only did the wall serve as the most powerful symbol of the protracted conflict, but its erection was one of the few occasions in which a hot war appeared imminent. Construction on the Berliner Mauer began on 13 August 1 961, marking the beginning of the indefinite period that has become known as the Berlin Wall crisis. Although Berlin was technically under the purview of the occupation powers, the other North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries had a vested interest in the status of Berlin because of the strategic and symbolic significance of the divided city. Canada was no exception, as was demonstrated by the active and leading role the country played within the western alliance during the crisis, displaying a commitment to Cold War collective security.The Progressive Conservative government of John G. Diefenbaker set forth its policy in two major public addresses-a speech on ? September to the Canadian Bar Association and in the opening statement to the fall session of the house of commons on 7 September. It will be argued here that the Canadian government arrived at a firm, balanced, and constructive response to the crisis: a commitment to allied rights in Berlin and the resolve to use force to defend them if necessary-including an increase in Canada's military capabilities-while exhibiting a willingness to negotiate and involve the United Nations. Although this approach represented a blending of Diefenbaker's and the Department of External Affairs' views-with the input of Escott Reid, Canadian ambassador to West Germany-the final shape and tone of the policy was ultimately determined by Diefenbaker.This article will take the form of an in tra- govern mental deci s ion- making history, charting the evolution of Canadian policy from 13 August to 7 September 1 9 61. This requires examining the discussions within and between Diefenbaker's cabinet and the Department of External Affairs (DEA). The latter sought to chart a course emphasizing negotiations-what could be termed a more conciliatory response-while Diefenbaker favoured a response that underlined negotiations with an ability to respond militarily.The relevant sources are therefore the files of the Department of External Affairs, cabinet conclusions, and the Diefenbaker prime ministerial papers. Unfortunately, the Diefenbaker prime ministerial papers (including the personal and confidential series) reveal virtually nothing about Diefenbaker's rationale or discussions within the prime minister's office and the Progressive Conservative government. The cabinet conclusions, however, do provide some insight into the thought processes of the government, while the External Affairs papers reveal a great deal about that department's opinions.Diefenbaker's memoirs have little to say about the Berlin crisis, which is surprising given that it appears to be one of the highlights of his foreign policy record. The majority of secondary sources covering Canadian international activities in 19 61 either briefly mention the Berlin Wall crisis, or omit it entirely. Basil Robinson served as the liaison between the PMO and External Affairs, and his study of Diefenbaker's foreign policy, Diefenbaker's World: A Populist in Foreign Affairs, is the most revealing secondary source concerning the 1961 crisis. Itis virtually the only source that delves into the evolution of the Canadian position to any extent. Peyton V Lyon's Canada in World Affairs, 19 61-19 63 ^s also useful, occupying a unique position as a qua si- primary source, since it was published in 1968, and the author interviewed a number of individuals involved. Both Lyon and Robinson identify the government's response as a positive one, and this study shares their assessment of the final policy. However, Lyon's contribution does not adequately explore the intra-governmental policy formulation process that took place in August, while Robinson's evaluation does not sufficiently credit Diefenbaker's role. …

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,002
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesaucune
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,181
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,957

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,002
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,001
Bibliométrie0,0000,001
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0010,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0010,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0010,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,015
Tête enseignante GPT0,332
Écart entre enseignants0,318 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.

Les modèles n’ont appliqué aucune catégorie : rien dans la taxonomie ne correspondait à ce travail.
Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations3
Publié2008
Routes d'admission2
Résumé présentoui

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