Prisoner Reentry at Work: Adding Business to the Mix M.Delgado. London: Lynne Rienner (2012) 241pp. £47.50hb ISBN 978-1-58826-818-1
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
This book describes the difficulties faced by people re-entering the community after a period of custody. Melvin Delgado provides a detailed and accessible view of the nature of the challenges of re-entry, the disproportionate impact of these challenges on people of colour, and the structural systems that maintain and exacerbate the social exclusion of individuals long after they have served their sentence. Delgado draws on studies from a variety of jurisdictions, including Norway, Canada, Australia and the UK. He acknowledges and explains the antithetical nature of the legislation and practices that regulate prison leavers, but also highlights examples of profit-oriented businesses that are, nonetheless, operating in a way that is socially conscientious. The book gives examples of how business can be an important part of the support networks for a socially marginalised group of people, and it unashamedly seeks to cultivate enthusiasm for these efforts within its readers. Delgado's work combines an academic literature review and commentary, with practical guidance for practitioners of social enterprise. Its cross-purpose delivery provides a dual lens that means the book will appeal to a broad readership. Delgado's approach of combining analysis of specific practices alongside broader academic overview is in contrast to what Delgado describes as the government's propensity to ‘compartmentalize social problems’ (p.12). He is consistent in his calls for increased understanding about the struggles of routes out of crime. He argues that effective solutions are unlikely without this understanding. To this end, Delgado examines the prospects for desistance-oriented prisoner release by drawing on ideas from a range of disciplines and varied perspectives, including county, State and federal levels. Within this broad lens of inquiry, the absence of a victim perspective seems surprising. Delgado advocates for a paradigmatic shift away from deficits, towards assets (p.177). It would have been especially interesting to see how the perspectives and experiences of victims within a socially collaborative and cohesive approach to reducing barriers to re-entry might have shaped this analysis. The absence of this perspective within the book implies that there is a presumed difference between the ‘victim’ and ‘offender’ perspective when this is not necessarily so. Delgado explores the ‘employment mind-set’ of prison leavers (p.56) as one of the deficits that can result from incarceration. He situates his examination of the ‘employment mind-set’ within the economically-deprived social contexts to which many people return after release from prison. This context can result in financial hardship for those who choose to ‘go straight’. Delgado recognises that addressing the economic barriers to re-entry will require a ‘major financial commitment on the part of government at all levels’ (p.89) and that this can be difficult because of public and political perceptions of ‘unworthiness’ about prisoners as recipients of public money. This multi-faceted coverage brings to the fore connections between problems of micro and macro scale as well as the necessity of action in both of these planes if improvement is to be achieved. By focusing on ‘a variety of extraordinary individual and environmental challenges’ (p.89), Delgado provides an insightful guide to individuals and organisations that offer expert support for people who are trying to reintegrate after release from prison and which operate within a socially responsible enterprise model. Alongside ‘classic’ social enterprise models, Delgado showcases the work of organisations like Homeboy/Homegirl Industries (explored from p.117): organisations that have been formed by the experiences and visions of some of the most challenging prison leavers, and that have been designed for profit, but driven by a socially-informed inclusive and transformative agenda. The book will be of interest to all researchers, practitioners, entrepreneurs and politicians as well as to people who are leaving prison and who want to help to shape society in ways that are inclusive, productive and maximise the good we can create when we work together.
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
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Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,002 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Science ouverte | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».