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Enregistrement W2611938862

Transforming the Black Silent Majority into an Engaged Black Majority

2016· article· en· W2611938862 sur OpenAlexaboutno aff
Demar F. Lewis

Notice bibliographique

RevueHarvard journal of African American public policy · 2016
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueRace, History, and American Society
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésPoliticsRacismPolitical scienceSociologyPower (physics)Social movementLawGender studies
DOInon disponible

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

It feels like just yesterday Michael Brown, Aura Rosser, Tamir Rice, and Eric Garner were murdered by the police.1 These were formative moments in my engagement in contemporary Black politics, as they occurred when I started graduate school at the University of Michigan. I was optimistic witnessing the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement emerge across the United States as a force with which to be reckoned. Using protests and social media to disrupt the American sociopolitical and economic systems, BLM has grown into one of the most powerful, organized movements for the Black community to mobilize in the last three decades. Considering this, the BLM movement is at a critical stage in its development; it must institutionalize its movement, while also garnering support from African Americans who are not fully aligned with the movement's cause. This must be done in order to ensure that Black Liberation is not compromised to neoliberal forces.Heeding history, there are many parallels between the behaviors of the BLM movement in 2015 and the Black Panther Party (BPP) of the 1960s through the '80s. The BPP was comprised of progressively inclined people from all walks of life. They were articulate.2 They were tactful. They were informed about global affairs and the intersectional relationship between domestic and global inequality.3 Among other aims, the purpose of the BPP was to disrupt the unchecked power of the state, and to force the government to protect the Black community's constitutional rights.4 Likewise, the BLM movement embodies similar attributes; members are progressively inclined, extremely intelligent, sophisticated, and linguistically brilliant, orators and strategists willing to challenge citizens and politicians alike in order addresses the unchecked power of the state.5 Though the BLM movement has articulated a global agenda, most of its activism that has garnered attention has taken place in the US, with exception of the Toronto demonstrations in July 2015.6 This is likely due to the BLM movement's evolving efforts to connect with global activists affiliated with progressive or socialist movements, a tactic the BPP frequently employed.7Nonetheless, the BLM movements's agenda and its tactics should be understood as a positive extension of the Panther's work. Although the BLM movement and BPP would likely disagree on the necessity of bearing arms against police brutality-among other tactics or aims-this disagreement should be contextually interpreted. The BPP's use of violent tactics was necessary to combat overt police brutality and discrimination faced by communities across the US. Yet, the lack of institutional response to the rampant murders of unarmed Black people in 2015 have evidenced these atrocities occur covertly, too, in a post-racial America. While the death of Emmett Till is an example of overt violence, the failure of the US government to outlaw the Confederate flag is evidence of covert, institutional violence.8 Though the threats that the BLM movement and BPP have faced are remarkably similar, the historical contexts of each movement are distinct and noteworthy. Thus, it is not useful to rank the tactics of the BPP and BLM movement in their respective fights for Black Liberation.9As a young liberation movement, one reality that the BLM movement must reconcile with is its politics, agenda, and tactics are not fully celebrated by all members of the Black community. Despite the modern glorification of civil rights leaders of the 1950s through the '80s, many were labeled radicals in their respective time periods. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, Angela Davis, and others were iconoclasts-their ideologies defied the norm, so not everyone agreed with their politics, agenda, or tactics for achieving racial equality. While we see pictures and historical footage of Black people attending sermons and protests by the thousands, the reality is these people-though numerous-were not fully representative of the Black community or of all American citizens. …

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,007
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,003
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesÉtudes des sciences et des technologies
Catégories consensuellesÉtudes des sciences et des technologies
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,795
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,999

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0070,003
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0010,001
Bibliométrie0,0000,002
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0020,011
Communication savante0,0000,002
Science ouverte0,0020,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,001
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0010,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,024
Tête enseignante GPT0,300
Écart entre enseignants0,276 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle

Classification

machine, non validée

Prédiction automatique; les deux têtes enseignantes s’accordent sur ce qui est montré ici.

Devis d'étudeSans objet
Domainenon disponible
GenreEmpirique

Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».

En bref

Citations0
Publié2016
Routes d'admission1
Résumé présentoui

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