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Enregistrement W2998336786 · doi:10.1353/aq.2019.0070

Plastic Empowerment: Financial Literacy and Black Economic Life

2019· article· en· W2998336786 sur OpenAlex
Carolyn Hardin, Armond R. Towns

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Notice bibliographique

RevueAmerican Quarterly · 2019
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineEconomics, Econometrics and Finance
ThématiqueHousing, Finance, and Neoliberalism
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésUnbankedFinancial literacyOverdraftFinancial servicesMiddle classEmpowermentBusinessCashFinancial inclusionFinancial systemQuarter (Canadian coin)FinanceEconomicsEconomic growthMarket economyGeography

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

Plastic Empowerment:Financial Literacy and Black Economic Life Carolyn Hardin (bio) and Armond R. Towns (bio) Of the multiple changes to consumer banking in the last fifty years, decreases in savings, increases in borrowing, and the shift from a cash to a plastic economy have received the most attention.1 A recent spate of books like Mehrsa Baradaran's How the Other Half Banks and Lisa Servon's Unbanking of America focuses on a related but perhaps more dramatic shift.2 Due to deregulation, profit-seeking through fees (most notably overdraft "protection" fees), and a shift to focusing on wealthy customers, "over the past four decades … banking itself has morphed into a system that no longer serves the needs of far too many Americans."3 Instead, low- and middle-income Americans are switching to so-called "alternative financial services."4 Baradaran notes that "the rise of fringe banking correlates directly with the decline of banks in poor communities" and that "banks compete for the deposits of the wealthy and middle class while the other half is left to fringe institutions that are often usurious, sometimes predatory, and almost always much worse for low-income individuals than the services offered by traditional banks."5 In the past eight years, the biennial National Survey of Unbanked and Underbanked Households has consistently found that more than a quarter of US households either have no bank account or, if they do, still use alternative financial services including "money orders, check cashing, international remittances, payday loans, refund anticipation loans, rent-to-own services, pawn shop loans, or auto title loans."6 Since the 1990s, these alternative financial services, or "fringe banking," have exploded in scale and popularity.7 Prepaid cards are one of these fringe banking services. Unlike bank debit cards that link to a traditional bank account in which a minimum balance may be required and overdraft fees may be charged, prepaid cards are loaded with funds online, in person, or through the direct deposit of a paycheck, and then, subject to usage fees, the user may withdraw money or spend at locations that accept debit cards. The history of these types of cards stretches back at least to the early 1990s, when Electronic Benefits Transfer cards replaced paper food stamps and when "open system gift cards" were introduced.8 [End Page 969] Unlike other fringe services like check cashing, payday loans, rapid tax refunds, and money orders, prepaid cards offer consumers a way to enter the growing plastic economy—in which a credit or debit card is necessary to make internet transactions and authorize contingent payment on things like rental cars—without using a traditional bank account. These benefits, along with the ability to have paychecks and tax refunds direct deposited, are usually impossible without a bank account. They are also cheaper with a prepaid card than the cost of using a storefront check casher to access funds, but as critics are quick to point out, a "free" checking account is much cheaper. Critics of fringe financial services focus on the fees and high interest rates associated with many of these products and suggest that users are making poor financial decisions because of a lack of "financial literacy." However, prepaid debit cards do not fit so neatly in this characterization of fringe banking services. First, unlike payday loans, auto title loans, and rent-to-own services, prepaid cards are debt remote, meaning that there is no way to become indebted using them. Even traditional checking accounts are rarely debt remote, as overdraft "protection" can be understood as an expensive form of short-term credit.9 Second, the transparency of (at least some) prepaid debit fees makes them different from traditional bank services.10 Traditional banks have a long history of targeting the poor and minority consumers for disproportionate exploitation. Low-income consumers are more likely to have low or no credit scores, which means that they will pay higher interest rates for bank credit.11 The process by which those interest rates are determined is obscure. Black people have also long been targets of disproportionate financial exploitation, from the post-emancipation sharecropping system to the multiple documented contemporary incidences of black borrowers receiving...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesMéta-épidémiologie (sens strict), Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Observationnel · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,599
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0010,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,005

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,007
Tête enseignante GPT0,208
Écart entre enseignants0,201 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle