"The Bears Are Plentiful and Frequently Good Camera Subjects": Postcards and the Framing of Interspecies Encounters in the Canadian Rockies
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
The following essay considers role of animal imagery on postcards marketed in Canada's Rocky Mountain Parks. These popular souvenir items have helped shape dominant systems of environmental knowledge. Because of this, postcards should be considered in discussions regarding ecological health of region. ********** The Canadian Rocky Mountain Parks have always been one of my favourite vacation destinations. (1) Snapshots and nostalgic memories abound of holidays passed in this particular part of Canada. Each one of these holidays included a trip to local post office to mail postcards to friends and family back home. Until recently I gave little thought to dozens of postcards purchased and sent on these annual vacations. My current research, however, has me wondering about broader environmental and cultural implications of this ritualistic holiday act. A large number of these souvenir items feature images of bears: bears that have become a commodity of the wild. The following discussion considers this commodification as it relates to current environmental and interspecific concerns facing Canada's Rocky Mountain Parks. The study of postcards is, by necessity, an interdisciplinary venture, one that raises questions about role of images and icons in production of discursive systems (Nancy), as well as relationships between written and visual texts (Mitchell). These inexpensive, popular souvenir items have historically been neglected in realm of academic inquiry, and it is only in recent years that scholars have considered how these cultural texts can have meaning beyond realm of personal correspondence; as Annette Pritchard and Nigel Morgan argue, picture postcards are a rich cultural reservoir of popular perceptions of people and places (111). My own critical interest in postcards centres on relationship of image and text; I ask, in particular, how these elements work to shape dominant cultural understandings of and nonhuman world. In recent years, many environmental historians have argued that a perceptual division between ideals of nature and ideals of culture is at root of many current environmental problems (see, e.g., William Cronon; Richard White; Neil Evernden). The notion that nature exists outside of and stands separate from human society and technology presents a challenge for addressing ecological problems in twenty-first century. Not only does this dominant way of thinking mask many environmental tensions, but also it creates a sense of separation between most people's lived experiences and environmental impact of their day-to-day activities. To conceive of nature as existing separately from culture is to deny sense of interconnectedness that affects all forms of life on Earth. As Neil Evernden argues, is [...] nowhere near as independent or as 'given' as we like to suppose (xii). For those concerned with addressing twenty-first century environmental issues, a critical re-thinking of what nature is and means is necessary. In spaces designated as Parks, there exists a specific way of viewing nonhuman world. This particular way of framing and engaging with nonhuman world--what I refer to as National Park Nature--is thoroughly mediated by tourism industry. Park Nature frames landscapes of Jasper and Banff Parks as unspoiled and pristine playgrounds to which one can escape in order to engage in healthy recreational pursuits, gaze upon exotic scenery, and live in harmony (even if only for a few days) with animals who are protected by Park borders. The repetition of visual and textual codes reinforces this position, and goes a long way toward masking very real environmental tensions in these landscapes. Canadian Parks face many of same stresses as other regions of Canadian landscape, stresses that are masked through rhetoric of pristine wilderness so dominant in Park Nature. …
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Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,005 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».