Magazines and the Making of Mass Culture in Japan by Amy Bliss Marshall
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
Reviewed by: Magazines and the Making of Mass Culture in Japan by Amy Bliss Marshall Kerim Yasar (bio) Magazines and the Making of Mass Culture in Japan. By Amy Bliss Marshall. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 2019. xiv, 221 pages. $55.00, cloth; $55.00, E-book. Books occupy a privileged place in histories of both literature and print culture more broadly. One might speculate that this is because of their longevity as objects; the relatively greater time, care, and capital invested in their writing and production; the apparatus of reviewing and criticism that arose around them; their association with religious scripture; and so on. Even scholars of literary studies, who are usually keenly aware of the indispensable role that literary (and even not-so-literary) magazines and journals play in the formation of their corpuses and canons, only infrequently make magazines the organizing frame of their inquiry. Popular commercial magazines faced even steeper obstacles to scholarly recognition until the turn toward cultural studies in the 1960s and 1970s. Once that recognition was conferred, new challenges presented themselves, including the sheer volume of material that demanded to be studied: countless periodicals, with runs that sometimes stretched for decades. Any scholar who dares to wade into the ocean of magazine culture needs to make difficult decisions about what to include and—more pertinently—what to exclude. In Magazines and the Making of Mass Culture in Japan, Amy Bliss Marshall decides to take a very focused approach, limiting her consideration to two, rather different, periodicals: Kingu (King), the flagship magazine of Noma Seiji's Kōdansha publishing house, and Ie no hikari (Light of the home), published by the Sangyō Kumiai farming cooperative. This is arguably a risky strategy, not least because the title of Marshall's book announces an argument of sweeping breadth. That said, it allows her to lavish careful attention on both magazines, such that, by the end of the study, the reader feels an intimate familiarity with, and almost an attachment to, its subjects. The scholarship in English on Japanese magazine culture has not been voluminous, though the last year has seen a bumper crop of new books that address the topic in one form or another. These include the present work, Hiromi Tsuchiya Dollase's Age of Shōjo, and Nathan Shockey's The Typographic Imagination.1 The pioneering English-language monograph was [End Page 246] Sarah Frederick's Turning Pages: Reading and Writing Women's Magazines in Interwar Japan,2 which, like Marshall's work, limited its purview to a small number of periodicals and had a clearly demarcated thematic focus. There is only slightly more published on the topic in Japanese, among which the work of Nagamine Shigetoshi stands out for its breadth and depth.3 Thus, there is still much to be written about magazine culture in Japan, and Marshall leads us down two rich and historically important pathways. Kingu and Ie no hikari were two of the most successful magazines of the interwar years, and each appealed to broad, but also different, readerships. Marshall writes: These two magazines started from thoroughly dissimilar backgrounds and financial and distribution structures, but they overlapped in their ultimate goals and had since their inception. The magazines' editors hoped to help create an ideal Japan by providing a nationally unifying leisure and educational resource. Because the producers of these publications each had a particular vision, one in which all people in Greater Japan were participants, they each created mass magazines unified around their principles and ideals. One remarkable thing about this is that the production and circulation of meaning that these magazines embodied was also a defining feature of Japanese culture in these years. (p. 25) There's a tension here, and in the book as a whole, between the idea of magazines as responsive to readers' tastes, preferences, and beliefs (as one would expect from commercial mass media) and the efforts of the editors (and, of course, advertisers) to shape those tastes, preferences, and beliefs. Marshall seems to come down in favor of the editors' and advertisers' intent and ability to shape the larger culture through means ranging from subtle insinuation to direct exhortation. She argues that...
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Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».