MétaCan
Menu
Retour à la cohorte
Enregistrement W4379792260 · doi:10.1353/aiq.2017.a663049

"We Have Bigotry All Right—but No Alabamas": Racism and Aboriginal Protest in Canada during the 1960s

2017· article· en· W4379792260 sur OpenAlex

Pourquoi ce travail est dans la base

Une base qui oublie comment elle a trouvé un travail ne peut pas être vérifiée. Voici les voies qui ont admis celui-ci.

aboutLe titre ou le résumé porte un signal canadien du lexique géographique.
no affAucune affiliation canadienne : ce travail est invisible pour une base fondée sur la seule affiliation.
Aucune affiliation canadienne. Une base fondée sur la seule affiliation (le devis habituel) n'aurait jamais vu ce travail. C'est l'un des travaux qui justifient l'inversion de la base.

Notice bibliographique

RevueThe American Indian Quarterly · 2017
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueCanadian Identity and History
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésRacismHistoryHollywoodGender studiesWorld War IIMedia studiesSociologyLawArt historyPolitical scienceArchaeology

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

"We Have Bigotry All Right—but No Alabamas"Racism and Aboriginal Protest in Canada during the 1960s Scott Rutherford (bio) I'm all for the Indians; I treat them like any other colored man. But in this area they are no damned good. Less than one percent will co-operate. Some of the older generation are O.K., but the young ones are no good. But that's the younger generation all over. Look at the South. Look at what's going on in Vietnam. George Miller, tourist camp operator, Kenora, 19651 As day gave way to night on the evening of November 22, 1965, four hundred Aboriginal men and women, many bused in from close-by reserves, gathered at the Indian Friendship Centre in Kenora, Ontario. They prepared to march, a new sight to the town's ten thousand non-Aboriginal residents. With cold winter air pressed against their faces, they linked arm-in-arm four persons across and began what would be a quarter of a mile trek north along Main Street. Bundled in winter coats that hid their suits and dresses underneath, they passed by the Kenricia Hotel, the Woolworth's department store, and Fife's Hardware. The sight of peaceful marchers counteracted many of the common stereotypes that marked Aboriginal bodies in early 1960s Canada. These were not Hollywood Indians dressed in war paint, nor were they the drunk, docile, passive Indians portrayed through local media.2 With local police officers in tow, the group marched to the Legion Hall and into a town council meeting led by the mayor.3 Once the marchers were inside, seated and away from the stinging cold, all eyes turned to two men who spoke for the protesters: Peter Seymour and [End Page 158] Fred Kelly. Facing the mayor and his councilors, they introduced themselves and began listing a long set of grievances. As one example gave way to another and then another, they all illustrated the denigrating nature of anti-Aboriginal discrimination in Kenora and surrounding reserves, including the various forms of economic, social, and political marginalization played out in everyday life.4 Through newspapers and radio broadcasts, news of the protest spread quickly across the country and beyond. People began referring to this moment as Canada's first civil rights march, and Kenora seemed to solidify its newfound reputation as Canada's Alabama, Mississippi, or Arkansas.5 This article has two goals. The first is to contribute to a history of the march, what motivated it, how it came to life, and what took place in its aftermath. As the volumes of reports filed by officers of the Ontario Human Rights Commission in the mid-1960s demonstrate, Aboriginal peoples in the Kenora area endured significant discrimination. The march emerged as one of numerous tactics used in an effort to challenge the conditions that shaped material and social experiences of daily life in the town and its many neighboring reserves.6 The collective oppositional response in late 1965 challenged the naturalized discourse of the "depoliticized Indians" who passively accepted their own oppression. In one small way, this work of recounting some of this history disrupts racialized discourses that still inform social hierarchies. As scholar David Austin argues, "We have to drag ourselves deeper into the gutter of race and racism in order to emancipate ourselves from it."7 This, he argues, "requires that we understand the irrational-rational logic that has facilitated its survival."8 Race, as David Theo Goldberg puts it, is "heavy." Its "heaviness" is created as "layered, volume piled upon mass, the layers or strata composed of varying substances and differentially born."9 Differentially born, differentially coded, and differentially enacted through power, yet not always visibly present. In official Canadian discourse, Austin notes, "racial categories, and by extension racism, are present in absentia, silently shaping and animating national debate while the government, state politicians, and theorists promote a neutered narrative of multiculturalism and inclusion."10 In this article, I am using the months surrounding the march in Kenora as a vehicle to understand how and why racial discourses and material practices produce certain types of presences and absences in a moment where racial tension seems...

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,000
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesÉtudes des sciences et des technologies
Catégories consensuellesaucune
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Qualitatif · Signal consensuel: aucune
GenreSignal candidat: Empirique · Signal consensuel: Empirique
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,584
Score d'incertitude au seuil0,998

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0030,002
Communication savante0,0010,000
Science ouverte0,0010,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0000,000

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,005
Tête enseignante GPT0,240
Écart entre enseignants0,235 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle