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Enregistrement W4398677980 · doi:10.1215/01636545-11027326

Working Girl

2024· article· en· W4398677980 sur OpenAlex

Pourquoi ce travail est dans la base

Une base qui oublie comment elle a trouvé un travail ne peut pas être vérifiée. Voici les voies qui ont admis celui-ci.

aboutLe titre ou le résumé porte un signal canadien du lexique géographique.
no affAucune affiliation canadienne : ce travail est invisible pour une base fondée sur la seule affiliation.
Aucune affiliation canadienne. Une base fondée sur la seule affiliation (le devis habituel) n'aurait jamais vu ce travail. C'est l'un des travaux qui justifient l'inversion de la base.

Notice bibliographique

RevueRadical History Review · 2024
Typearticle
Langueen
DomaineSocial Sciences
ThématiqueGender, Feminism, and Media
Établissements canadiensnon disponible
Organismes subventionnairesnon disponible
Mots-clésGirlArtPolitical sciencePsychologyDevelopmental psychology

Résumé

récupéré en direct d'OpenAlex

There are many slang terms for full-service sex workers, but one of my favorites is working girl. I cannot be completely sure when I first heard it, but I knew it in passing before I began sex work in the early 2010s in Aotearoa (New Zealand). Once I was working, it likely popped up from one of the more experienced working girls in a dressing room. When I talk to civilians about the sex industry, I will usually say that I do “sex work” and discuss the figure of the “sex worker.” I am conscious of how the jaunty informality of working girl might not make it the most helpful term for conveying more serious messaging. It is anachronistic, almost deliberately so, and it both is and isn’t a euphemism. Instead, it feels more like shop talk. Sometimes I might shorten working girl to working. I will casually speak of “when I started working” or ask a friend “have you been working much recently?” when I am confident that all parties in the conversation know what kind of work I mean.Typically, when clients use this term, they refer to someone they knew personally who worked (“my ex-wife was a working girl,” “one of my cousins used to be a working girl back in the day”). Although it includes the diminutive girls, the force of this reference feels mitigated by the fact it is paired with an acknowledgement that our work is work. My fondness for the term is perhaps also unusual because although I have been a working girl for a decade, I am nonbinary and definitively not a girl myself.The term working girl appears in various oral histories and in academic research from New Zealand, Canada, Australia, and elsewhere. Becki L. Ross notes it was one of an interchangeable list of self-descriptors used in interviews with sex workers who worked in Vancouver’s West End through the 1970s and 1980s.1Working girl is also commonly used in news media coverage. Unlike other slang terms related to the sex industry appearing in the media—johns or tricks, for example—working girl is a term that actual working girls sometimes use.The working girl stands in contrast to what Juno Mac and Molly Smith have termed the “erotic professional.”2 They use this term to describe the sector of the industry who frame their work through lenses of sex positivity and empowerment. In this formulation the persona present in a sex worker’s marketing is offered to third parties as an authentic representation of their feelings about their work, foregrounding erotic desire and passion and foreclosing any meaningful discussion of material conditions. The erotic professional seeks to position their engagement with sex work as autonomous and professional, eliding the forms of social and economic privilege which enable this, most notably the economic security that enable sex workers to comfortably decline clients on the basis of sexual compatibility, not just safety. This framing often casts sex work as analogous to personal and private sexual relationships. The erotic professional tries to distance themselves from the history of the industry as well as the long-term project of sex worker activists to explain the industry as a type of work, not a type of sexual behavior. By contrast, the typical usage of working girl recalls continuities in the trade and is pragmatic, neutral, and businesslike.My experience as a sex worker and academic researcher has been shaped by working under Aotearoa’s model of decriminalization. The Prostitution Reform Act 2003 decriminalized indoor and street-based sex work for most people aged eighteen and over (although migrant sex workers are still excluded from its protections). Mac and Smith identify the erotic professional in discourses from locations where sex work is still criminalized, but this figure exists under decriminalization too. Elsewhere, I have argued that decriminalization has not resulted in a uniform rolling back of stigma but rather an unequal apportioning of it.3 The most acceptable sex workers are typically those who present a public face of authentic pleasure and empowerment. I like the term working girl because it feels rooted in a history of sex work that predates the erotic professional as well as the more recent conspicuous attempts to upscale and mainstream sex workplaces—which are especially marked following decriminalization.4 This mainstreaming recasts some workers as authentically engaged with their jobs, doing sex work as a profitable hobby or passion project, rather than performing labor to earn a living. The erotic professional is implicitly a classed position, and so too is the working girl—with working girls located squarely in the working class.The acceptable sex worker derives their status through a comparison to what they are not, the unacceptable other. I appreciate working girl for how it pushes back against this division, locating contemporary sex work within a much longer history. It takes one core tenet of the sex workers’ rights movement—that sex work is work—and incorporates it into the descriptor. Saying I am a working girl establishes the register in which I will discuss my work: pragmatic, not erotic. It is not making any particular claims about my feelings toward my job, but it notes pointedly that what I do with clients is work.

Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.

Prédiction distillée sur la base complète

Imitation des enseignants

Ni prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.

score de la tête « metaresearch » (Codex)0,001
score de la tête « metaresearch » (Gemma)0,000
Version: codex-gemma-dda1882f352aStatut de validation: machine_predicted_unvalidated
Catégories candidatesCharge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
Catégories consensuellesCharge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)
DomaineSignal candidat: aucune · Signal consensuel: aucune
Devis d'étudeSignal candidat: Sans objet · Signal consensuel: Sans objet
GenreSignal candidat: Synthèse · Signal consensuel: Synthèse
Score de désaccord entre enseignants0,286
Score d'incertitude au seuil1,000

Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie

CatégorieCodexGemma
Métarecherche0,0010,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict)0,0000,000
Méta-épidémiologie (sens large)0,0000,000
Bibliométrie0,0000,000
Études des sciences et des technologies0,0000,000
Communication savante0,0000,000
Science ouverte0,0000,000
Intégrité de la recherche0,0000,000
Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger)0,0040,001

Scores machine (provisoires)

Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.

Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.

Tête enseignante Opus0,106
Tête enseignante GPT0,346
Écart entre enseignants0,239 · la distance entre les deux têtes enseignantes sur ce seul travail
Statut de validationscore_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découle