The Short-a Nasal System: how does it get so tense?
Notice bibliographique
Résumé
This paper investigates the production of the low front vowel /æ/ which undergoes “tensing” and “raising” (Ferguson, 1972; Labov, 1989) when followed by a nasal consonant in some dialects of English (Labov, Ash and Boberg 2006). Speakers in their early twenties, and life long residents of the province of Newfoundland read a word list which included five tokens of both hand and hat. All speakers exhibited significantly lower F1 and higher F2 values for the vowel in the word hand compared to hat. As a way to explain the acoustic differences found in nasal systems, we test the model outlined by Krakow et al. (1988), that such lowering and raising is a result of co-articulation between the vowel and the following nasal consonant. We predict that: \n \n1.\tIf nasal co-articulation is responsible for tensing, then nasality, measured by A1-P0 (Chen 1997, Chen et al. 2007) should be higher in the nasal environment compared oral ones (i.e. elsewhere). \n2.\t(a) Nasality and (b) its concomitant effects on F1 and F2 should be weakest early in the vowel and strongest immediately preceding the nasal consonant. This follows from Cohn's (1993) formulation of co-articulatory nasalization as a phonetically gradient rule as opposed to a categorical phonological one. \n \nAll acoustic analyses were conducted using Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2013) at two temporal locations (20% and 80%) into each vowel token. Two-tailed t-tests revealed significantly lower A1-P0 values (more nasality) in the nasal environment for Speaker 1 (t (18) = 5.5011, p < 0.0001), but not for Speaker 2 (t (18) = 1.9266, p = 0.07) or Speaker 3, (t (18) = 0.2687, p = 0.79). This presents a challenge to Hypothesis (1) above suggesting that tensing might not directly related to nasalization. \nTo test Hypothesis (2), three two-tailed t-tests were run for each speaker to examine the effect of nasality over the course of /æ/. No statistically significant differences were found in A1-P0 across the duration of the vowel for Speaker 1 (t (8) =1.008, p = 0.34). However, significant differences were found for F1 (t (8) = 2.8361, p = 0.02, and for F2 (t (8) = 16.6312, p < 0.0001), though not in the direction expected if affected by nasalization. Likewise, no significant differences were found in A1-P0 over the duration of /æ/ for Speaker 2 (t (8) = 0.399, p = 0.70). While a significant difference was found for F2 of Speaker 2 (t (8)= 3.1884, p = 0.01), and not in the direction expected, no effect was found for F1 (t (8) = 0.5862, p = 0.57). Finally, for Speaker 3 neither A1-P0 (t (8) = 1.0342, p = 0.33), F1 (t (8) = 0.0224, p = 0.98) nor F2 (t (8)= 1.1659, p = 0.0.28) were significantly different over the course of the vowel. These results suggest that the level of nasality is as high at 20% into the vowel as it is at 80% and that /æ/ was no higher or more fronted 80% into the vowel than at 20%.Taken together, these results run against hypothesis (2). \nTwo critical findings are discussed. First, some speakers may not have higher levels of nasality for /æ/ in the nasal environment. Therefore, nasalization is not likely responsible for tensing in the speech of these speakers (contra Hypothesis 1). This is consistent with observations of other tensing systems (De Decker and Nycz 2012) where more fronted and raised lingual gestures were found in the nasal environment. Second, speakers who do exhibit higher levels of nasality for /æ/ in the nasal environment, show that co-articulatory nasalization does not apply in a gradient manner (contra Hypothesis 2). Rather, nasalization is applied categorically, affecting the acoustics of the whole vowel. The overall significance of this study reveals two types of nasal systems mediated through either a) lingual specification or b) nasalization. In both sub-systems /æ/-tensing is understood as a categorical, phonological phenomenon, not one driven by phonetic implementation.
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction machine sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Le volet Gemma est une étiquette directe du modèle pour chaque travail de la base, lue sur la notice réduite au titre. Le volet Codex est un classifieur appris des 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et calibré sur les taux pondérés de l'échantillon; les champs sans appui suffisant ne portent aucun appel Codex. Le mode candidate est l'union des deux volets; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont pas des étiquettes humaines.
Scores du classifieur distillé par catégorie (deux têtes)
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,003 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,002 |
| Communication savante | 0,002 | 0,003 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,001 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,003 | 0,001 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule source (Gemma direct ou Codex distillé), pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».