Notice bibliographique
Résumé
While notion of tradition has developed a pejorative reputation, there are voices (Wittgenstein and MacIntyre) calling for a refurbishing of concept. Sub-traditions and religious communities engender loyalty that shapes members' worldview, convictions, emotions, and practices. This essay reflects on impact of a particular religious tradition-Anabaptism-on author's life and practice as a psychologist engaged in teaching, research, and psychotherapy. A brief history of this movement, its beliefs, its exemplars, and archetypal stories are reviewed. That is followed by a summary of five themes in theological anthropology found in various Anabaptist writers: an ethical perspective on being human, self as communal, Christ as model of political self, sacrality of individual and collective life, mystery of personhood, and a historical view of sin. Some implications for psychotherapy from perspective of this tradition are indicated.It is a profoundly erroneous truism, repeated by all copy-books and by eminent people making speeches, that we should cultivate habit of thinking of what we are doing. The precise opposite is case. Civilization advances by extending number of operations which we can perform without thinking about them. Operations of thought are like cavalry charges in a battle-they are strictly limited in number, they require fresh horses, and must only be made at decisive moments. (Alfred North Whitehead, 1911, p. 6l)Tradition has received a negative reputation in modem world. The Boston tea party thought European, aristocratic, hierarchical culture was best left behind. Later immigrants, eager to assimilate to Western culture, viewed traditionalism of their parents and culture of old country as an unbearable burden (Joyce, 1916/2008). Today's individualists harbor considerable antipathy toward culture, tradition, and custom as foreign intrusions from which children need protection (Bellah et al., 1985/2007; Hogan, 1975). Evolutionary psychologists refer to earlier psychologies as the dead hand of past'' because contemporary life is so different from ancestral life (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000; Buss, 2000).In contrast, a nascent chorus of voices is making case for importance of tradition. Wittgenstein (1953) famously argued that to understand a sentence requires knowledge of culture behind utterance. Language and tradition are then inextricably connected. Language games (grammars) are rules learned in a linguistic and custom laden community and to extract a word from that language community creates illusion that meaning of a word is universal. A more recent spokesperson, Alasdair MacIntyre, has proposed that there is no rationality that is not in some way connected to a tradition (1988). Writing of Encyclopaedists, he states:Descartes symbolized for nineteenth-century Encyclopaedist a declaration of independence by reason from particular bonds of any particular moral and religious community. It is on this view of essence of rationality that its objectivity is inseparable from its freedom from partialities of all such communities. It is allegiance to reason as such, impersonal, impartial, disinterested, uniting, and universal, that Encyclopaedist summons his or her readers and hearers. (1990, p. 49)Culture and society shape us in amorphous ways but a sub-tradition (Republican or Democratic, masculine or feminine, north or south, Oakland A's or Pittsburgh Pirates, mid-western Canadian or American) demands deeper loyalties and thus can have an even more profound effect on how individual views society, religion, others, and self. Our beliefs, emotions, attitudes, behaviors, relationships are impacted by one's tradition. Such traditions can shape our political convictions and how we vote, our sexual habits, or our willingness to share wealth.If we are immersed in a tradition over time it begins unconsciously to nurture our convictions, passions, and moods to point where they may function autonomously, automatically. …
Récupéré en direct depuis OpenAlex et désinversé. Les résumés ne sont pas conservés dans cette base de données : les index inversés représentent 8,6 Go des 9,3 Go de texte de la base, et le serveur dispose de 13 Go libres.
Comment cette classification a été obtenuedéplier
Prédiction distillée sur la base complète
Imitation des enseignantsNi prévalence calibrée, ni vérité terrain. Validation humaine à venir. Apprise à partir de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Codex et de 10 348 étiquettes directes de Gemma. Le mode candidate est l'union des têtes enseignantes seuillées; le consensus est leur intersection. Ces sorties portent le statut machine_predicted_unvalidated et ne sont ni des étiquettes humaines ni des étiquettes directes de modèles de pointe.
Scores Codex et Gemma par catégorie
| Catégorie | Codex | Gemma |
|---|---|---|
| Métarecherche | 0,001 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens strict) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Méta-épidémiologie (sens large) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Bibliométrie | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Études des sciences et des technologies | 0,001 | 0,001 |
| Communication savante | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Science ouverte | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Intégrité de la recherche | 0,000 | 0,000 |
| Charge utile insuffisante (le modèle a refusé de juger) | 0,000 | 0,000 |
Scores machine (provisoires)
Les deux têtes enseignantes du modèle étudiant, lues sur ce travail. Un score ordonne la base pour la relecture; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie, et le statut de validation accompagne chaque rangée tel quel.
Scores de référence d'un modèle non mature (critères de maturité non atteints, 7 itérations). Un score ordonne; il n'affirme jamais une catégorie.
score_only:v0-immature-baseline · tel quel depuis la passe de notation : score_only signifie que le nombre peut ordonner les travaux, et qu'aucune étiquette de catégorie n'en découleClassification
machine, non validéePrédiction automatique; un appel candidat d’une seule tête enseignante, pas un consensus.
Le détail, modèle par modèle et score par score, se trouve en fin de page sous « Comment cette classification a été obtenue ».